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<&0l0G  ICAL  SE^VS^ 


F 2521  .047  1914 
Oliveira  Lima,  Manuel  de, 
1865-1928. 

The  evolution  of  Brazil 
compared  with  that  of 


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LELAND  STANFORD  JUNIOR  UNIVERSITY  PUBLICATIONS 
UNIVERSITY  SERIES 


The  Evolution  of  Brazil 

compared  with  that  of 

Spanish  and  Anglo-Saxon  America 


MANOEL  DE  OLIVEIRA  LIMA 


Edited  with  Introduction  and  Notes 
BY 


PERCY  ALVIN  MARTIN 


Assistant  Professor  of  History 
Leland  Stanford  Junior  University 


(Issued  June,  1914) 


Stanford  University,  California 
Published  by  the  University 
1914 


BY 


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LIBRARY  OF  PRiNCET&Nl 

j 

MAY  2 7 ' ! ] 

UNIVERSITY  SERIES 

I , — i 

worms,  I.  Vernon  Lyman  Kellogg,  Professor 
-»f-  Entomology,  - 89  pp.,  4 plates.  1908.  Price  $1.00. 

The  Opisthobranchiate  Mollusca  of  the  Bran ner- Agassiz  Expe- 
dition to  Brazil.  Frank  Mace  McFarland,  Professor  of  His- 
tology. 105  pp.,  19  plates.  1909.  Price,  $1.00. 

A Study  of  the  Normal  Constituents  of  the  Potable  Water  of 
the  San  Francisco  Peninsula.  John  Pearce  Mitchell,  Assis- 
tant Professor  of  Chemistry.  70  pp.,  1 map.  1910.  Price,  50c. 

Synopsis  of  the  True  Crabs  (Brachyura)  of  Monterey  Bay,  Cali- 
fornia. Frank  Walter  Weymouth.  64  pp.,  14  plates.  1910. 
Price,  50c. 

The  Osteology  of  Certain  Scombroid  Fishes.  Edwin  Chapin  Starks, 
Assistant  Professor  of  Zoology.  49  pp.,  2 plates,  1 text  figure. 

1911.  Price,  50c. 

A Physical  Theory  of  Electrification.  Fernando  Sanford,  Profes- 
sor of  Physics.  69  pp.,  2 plates.  1911.  Price,  50c. 

The  Matzke  Memorial  Volume.  Papers  by  John  Ernst  Matzke,  late 
Professor  of  Romanic  Languages,  and  Thirteen  Colleagues.  162 
pp.  1911.  Price,  $1.00. 

Das  Historische  Prasens  in  der  Alteren  Deutsciien  Spraciie.  Bruno 
Boezinger,  Assistant  Professor  of  Germanic  Languages.  91  pp. 

1912.  Price,  50c. 

The  Effect  of  a Strictly  Vegetable  Diet  on  the  Spontaneous 
Activity,  the  Rate  of  Growth,  and  the  Longevity  of  the 
Albino  Rat.  James  Rollin  Slonaker,  Assistant  Professor  of 
Physiology.  36  pp.,  1 plate,  15  text  figures.  1912.  Price,  50c. 

Catalogue  de  Tous  les  Livres  de  Feu  M.  Cliapelain.  (Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  Fonds  Frangais,  Nouv.  Acq.,  No.  318.)  Colbert 
Searles,  Associate  Professor  of  Romanic  Languages.  119  pp.,  2 
plates.  1912.  Price,  75c. 

The  Dudley  Memorial  Volume.  Papers  by  William  Russel  Dudley, 
late  Professor  of  Botany,  and  Several  Colleagues.  137  pp.,  12 
text  figures,  9 plates.  1913.  Price,  $1.00. 

The  Fishes  of  the  Stanford  Expedition  to  Brazil.  Edwin  Chapin 
Starks,  Assistant  Professor  of  Zoology.  77  pp.,  15  plates.  1913. 
Price,  75c. 


( Continued  on  third  page  of  cover.) 


j 


LELAND  STANFORD  JUNIOR  UNIVERSITY  PUBLICATIONS 
UNIVERSITY  SERIES 


The  Evolution  of  Brazil 

compared  with  that  of 

Spanish  and  Anglo-Saxon  America 

BY 

MANOEL  DE  OLIVEIRA  LIMA 


Edited  with  Introduction  and  Notes 

BY 

PERCY  ALVIN  MARTIN 

Assistant  Professor  of  History 
Leland  Stanford  Junior  University 


(Issued  June,  1914) 


libra 


ioECf  ^mcirdN! 


MAY  2 1 200' 


[ftjEOlQGICAL  SEMINARYI 


Stanford  University,  California 
Published  by  the  University 
1914 


Stanford  University 
Press 


TO 

President  John  Casper  Branner 

DISTINGUISHED  SCIENTIST,  EMINENT  SCHOLAR  AND  TRUE  FRIEND  OF  BRAZIL 

IN  TOKEN  OF 


ADMIRATION  AND  AFFECTION 


CONTENTS 


Introduction 


PACK 

9 


LECTURE  I. 

The  conquest  of  America. — Religious  defence  of  the  native  element. — Indians 
and  negroes. — The  color  problem  and  the  discrimination  against  the  col- 
onists.— The  institution  of  slavery  and  the  conditions  of  political  inde- 
pendence in  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies,  affecting  diversely 
the  abolition  of  slavery. — The  first  Spanish  American  civil  war  and  the 
verdict  of  history  in  regard  to  it. — The  social  organization  in  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  New  World. — The  Indians  and  the  clergy. — The  part 
taken  by  the  Jesuits. — The  fusion  of  the  races  and  the  neo-European 
product. — Causes  of  the  separation:  disregard  of  nationality  and  eco- 
nomic exploitation. — Monopolies  and  prohibitions. — Spiritual  tutelage 
and  emancipation. — Historical  reasons  for  the  Catholic  intolerance. — 
Intellectual  revival  of  the  Iberian  Peninsula  during  the  Spanish  reign 
of  Charles  III,  and  under  the  Portuguese  dictatorship  of  the  Marquis 
de  Pombal. — Influence  of  this  revival  in  the  colonies.  16 

LECTURE  II. 

European  ideas  brought  over  the  sea  by  contraband  books  and  native  travel- 
ers.— Intercourse  between  mother-country  and  colony. — The  intellec- 
tual progress  of  the  New  World  of  Latin  America  before  its  political 
emancipation. — Comparison  with  the  progress  of  the  British  posses- 
sions.— The  race,  environment,  and  period. — The  race  problem  in 
America. — Traditional  sympathy  felt  in  Latin  America  for  the  inferior 
races. — State  of  the  colonial  culture  in  the  Iberian  and  Anglo-Saxon 
sections. — Territorial  conquests  of  Portuguese  and  Spaniards. — The  po- 
litical unit : the  municipal  chambers  and  cabildos. — Their  conception  and 
realization  in  the  colonies  and  their  significance  in  the  mother-countries 
of  Europe. — The  Cabildo  of  Montevideo  and  the  part  it  took  in  the 
Revolution. — The  municipal  chambers  of  Brazil  and  Independence. — 

The  political  and  social  reconstruction  of  the  new  countries. — Educa- 
tion and  charity. — Characteristics  of  colonial  education. — The  lack  of 
political  education  in  Latin  America. — The  general  characteristics  of 
particularism  and  the  American  conception  of  federalism.  . . 36 

LECTURE  III. 

Origin  of  the  federative  principle. — Local  government  and  administrative  cen- 
tralization in  Portuguese  and  Spanish  America : Their  different 
aspects. — Lack  of  uniformity  in  colonial  legislation. — Viceroys  and 
Audiencias. — Union  through  confederation  in  the  three  Americas. — 


6 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Schemes  of  American  royalties : Aranda,  Pitt  and  Chateaubriand. — 

The  monarchical  idea  in  Latin  America  and  its  moral  effect. — The  first 
Monroe  Doctrine. — Franco-British  rivalries  in  the  course  of  the  eigh- 
teenth and  nineteenth  centuries. — Napoleon  and  the  British  interests 
in  the  New  World. — Monarchical  possibilities  in  Buenos  Aires,  Mexico, 
and  Colombia. — Pitiable  role  of  Ferdinand  VII. — Iturbide,  Bolivar,  and 
San  Martin. — European  or  creole  dynasties. — Historical  function  of  the 
Brazilian  Empire. — The  moderate  minds  in  the  colonies  and  liberal 
ideas  in  Spain. — Precedents  for  the  idea  of  separation. — The  traditional 
discontent,  the  genesis  of  the  patriotic  instinct,  and  the  personal  tie 
between  the  sovereign  and  his  possessions  in  America.  55 

LECTURE  IV. 

Representative  types  in  the  struggle  for  the  independence  of  the  New  World. — 

The  Mexican  curate  Hidalgo  and  the  Latin  American  clergy,  partisans 
of  national  independence. — The  Brazilian  priests  in  the  revolution,  in 
the  Constituent  Assembly  and  in  the  government. — Temporary  union 
of  the  aristocratic,  religious  and  popular  elements. — The  creole  royalty 
of  Iturbide  and  the  imperialistic  jacobinism  of  Bolivar. — The  conserv- 
ative and  the  revolutionary  elements  in  the  new  political  societies. — 

Jose  Bonifacio,  Dom  Pedro  and  Brazilian  emancipation. — Bolivar’s 
political  psychology  and  its  historical  parallel  with  that  of  San  Mar- 
tin.— Their  double  sketch  in  the  light  of  sociology,  by  F.  Garcia  Calde- 
ron.— Their  antagonistic  temperaments  and  different  education. — Fed- 
eration applied,  and  the  international  ideal  of  Bolivar : Solidarity,  medi- 
ation, arbitration  and  territorial  integrity. — The  pact  of  Panama  and  the 
abstention  of  the  United  States. — Bolivar’s  nationalism,  his  generos- 
ity.— Nativism  of  the  subsequent  libertadores ; more  in  harmony  with 
the  environment. — Melancholy  destiny  of  the  superior  men  of  the  Inde- 
pendence and  of  their  patriotic  work. — Advent  of  the  anarchic  element, 
premature  political  decadence,  and  dawn  of  regeneration.  ...  74 

LECTURE  V. 

The  work  of  neo-Latin  emancipation  and  the  Iberian-American  element. — 
Andres  Bello  and  Mariano  Moreno,  types  of  superior  colonial  intel- 
lects.— The  books  which  San  Martin  and  Bolivar  read. — Critical  sense  of 
Bolivar. — The  poem  Junin,  by  Olmedo. — Constituent  assemblies  and 
constitutions. — The  “Middle  Ages”  of  the  new  Spanish-Portuguese 
world. — Its  first  intellectual  currents. — The  liberal  ideas  of  the  genera- 
tion of  the  Independence  and  the  part  taken  by  the  colonial  representa- 
tives in  the  Cortes  of  Cadiz  and  Lisbon. — Character  of  the  literature 
of  the  new  countries. — Heroic  poetry  and  the  Indianist  school. — The 
tradition  of  the  mother-tongue  among  the  neo-Spanish  peoples. — The 
cult  of  the  Past. — French  influence  in  literature  and  politics. — The  eclec- 
ticism of  Cousin  and  the  Positivist  training. — Effect  of  English  and 
German  philosophies. — European  Idealism  in  America. — Science  and 
mental  speculation. — Traditionalism  and  Modernism 94 


CONTENTS 


7 


LECTURE  VI. 

PAGE 

Moral  integration  produced  by  the  fusion  of  the  races,  the  condition  of  social 
equilibrium. — The  historic  episode  of  Bolivar  and  Petion. — Disadvan- 
tages of  intermarriage,  which  gives  rise  to  a great  difference  in  ideals. — 
Political  unrest  of  Latin  America,  formerly  the  hope  of  the  European 
democracy. — Causes  of  the  revolutionary  disturbances. — The  anarchical 
and  conservative  elements  in  the  Iberian  societies  of  the  New  World. — 
Bolivar’s  conception  and  its  realization  in  Brazil. — Strength  of  tradi- 
tionalism.— Historic  function  of  the  Brazilian  Monarchy. — Federation 
and  the  rule  of  dictators. — Private  initiative  and  the  work  of  education 
and  moralization. — Liberty  and  tyranny. — Troubles  in  the  evolutionary 
march  of  the  peoples  across  the  sea. — Lack  of  harmony  between  the 
theory  and  practice,  between  the  regime  and  the  people. — The  Brazilian 
oligarchy  during  the  empire  and  its  mission. — Political  regeneration 
through  social  education  and  economic  development. — Mariano  Moreno 
and  Dom  John  VI. — Industrialism  and  the  emancipation  of  the  people. — 
Violence  and  culture. — Qualities,  services  and  glories  of  Latin  Amer- 
ica.— The  American  conscience  and  Pan-Americanism.— America  for 
humanity. 112 

Notes  on  Lecture  1 130 

Notes  on  Lecture  II 136 

Notes  on  Lecture  III.  140 

Notes  on  Lecture  IV.  144 

Notes  on  Lecture  V.  ....  . . 151 

Notes  on  Lecture  VI 156 


INTRODUCTION 


he  six  lectures  included  in  the  present  volume  were  delivered  at 


Leland  Stanford  Junior  University  in  the  autumn  of  1912  by  Dr. 


Oliveira  Lima  under  the  auspices  of  the  Department  of  History. 
To  those  familiar  with  the  recent  contributions  of  Latin  America  and,  more 
especially,  Brazil,  in  the  field  of  historical  scholarship  the  distinguished 
author  of  these  lectures  needs  no  introduction ; as  historian,  essayist  and 
diplomat,  he  has  won  a commanding  place  in  the  intellectual  activities  of 
contemporary  Brazil ; as  a tireless  investigator  and  productive  scholar,  he 
has  done  much  to  raise  the  study  of  South  American  History  to  a dig- 
nity and  importance  it  had  never  previously  enjoyed. 

Manoel  de  Oliveira  Lima  was  born  in  Pernambuco,  Brazil,  Decem- 
ber 25,  1865.  At  the  age  of  twenty  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Philosophy  and  Letters  at  the  University  of  Lisbon ; two  years  later 
he  embarked  upon  a diplomatic  career  of  unusual  fruitfulness.  From 
1892  to  1900  he  was  attache  to  the  Brazilian  embassies  at  Berlin,  Wash- 
ington and  London.  In  1901  he  was  appointed  minister  to  Japan ; from 
1902  to  1913  he  represented  Brazil  in  a similar  capacity  in  Peru,  Vene- 
zuela, Sweden  and  Belgium,  and  on  various  occasions  he  was  intrusted 
with  important  foreign  missions.  In  1913  he  withdrew  from  the  diplo- 
matic service  to  devote  his  entire  time  to  the  prosecution  of  his  historical 
studies. 

While  acting  as  the  representative  of  Brazil,  Dr.  Lima  always  in- 
terpreted his  obligations  with  much  latitude ; his  conception  of  the  duties 
of  a minister  plenipotentiary  differed  widely  from  that  of  a conventional 
diplomatist.  He  refused  to  confine  his  talents  and  energies  to  the  usual 
routine  in  which  fixed  conventions,  meaningless  etiquette  and  hampering 
restrictions  play  such  a large  part.  He  conceived  it  his  mission  to  repre- 
sent Brazil  at  her  best  or  not  at  all.  Whether  in  Tokyo  or  Brussels,  in 
Caracas  or  Stockholm,  he  strove  unceasingly  to  extend  a wider  and  truer 
knowledge  of  Brazil ; not  only  the  Brazil  of  the  present,  with  her  astound- 
ing economic  development,  but  also  the  Brazil  of  the  past  with  her  rich 
spiritual  heritages,  her  fine  traditions,  her  inspiring  history  and  litera- 
ture. In  pursuance  of  this  ambitious  program  he  displayed  an  intellec- 
tual activity  little  short  of  prodigious.  By  means  of  lectures,  articles  in 
reviews  and  newspapers,  books  and  pamphlets,  he  not  only  dispelled  a 


IO 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


host  of  misconceptions  and  prejudices;  but,  what  was  of  greater  mo- 
ment, aroused  in  wide  circles  an  eager  and  intelligent  interest  in  the  his- 
torical evolution  and  cultural  development  of  Latin  America.  A brief 
discussion  of  his  most  significant  works  will  clearly  reveal  how  well  he 
deserves  the  tribute  of  “Intellectual  Ambassador  of  Brazil”  given  him 
by  the  great  Swedish  author  Bjdrnson. 

Quite  appropriately  Dr.  Lima’s  first  historical  production  dealt  with 
his  native  city.  “The  Historical  Development  of  Pernambuco” 1 is  a 
scholarly  and  entertaining  work  in  which  the  author  has  traced  in  broad 
outline  the  social  and  political  development  of  one  of  the  most  interest- 
ing cities  of  South  America.  Especially  noteworthy  is  the  account  of  the 
Dutch  occupation  in  the  sixteenth  century.  With  the  sure  and  deft  touch 
of  a literary  artist  he  has  drawn  the  portrait  of  the  real  hero  of  this  epic 
adventure,  the  genial  and  tolerant  Count  Maurice  of  Nassau-Siegen,  sent 
out  by  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  to  govern  their  American  pos- 
sessions. With  the  same  graphic  word-painting  he  has  sketched  the  sub- 
sequent events  which  have  inseparably  coupled  Pernambuco  with  the 
national  evolution  of  Brazil. 

In  1906  appeared  a work  which  at  once  gained  the  author  a high 
place  among  contemporary  literary  critics.  “Some  Aspects  of  Colonial 
Brazilian  Literature,” 2 is  a brilliant  analysis  of  the  leading  tendencies 
of  Brazilian  letters  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  While 
Dr.  Lima  has  necessarily  followed  in  the  trail  blazed  by  that  dean  of 
literary  criticism,  Silvio  Romero,  whose  “History  of  Brazilian  Literature” 
has  already  become  a classic,  Dr.  Lima’s  book  reveals  much  originality 
and  abounds  in  suggestive  and  in  some  cases  new  points  of  view.  In  this 
respect  the  section  devoted  to  the  school  of  poetry  which  flourished  in 
the  Captaincy  of  Minas  Geraes  during  the  eighteenth  century  should  be 
singled  out  for  special  mention. 

Dr.  Lima’s  most  valuable  contribution  in  the  purely  historical  field 
is  his  recent  work,  “Dom  John  VI  in  Brazil.”  3 In  this  monograph  all 
of  the  author’s  qualities  as  an  historian  appear  at  their  best.  Patient 
and  exhaustive  researches  in  the  archives  of  London,  Vienna,  Paris  and 
Rio  de  Janeiro  have  supplied  a mass  of  original  material  out  of  which 
has  been  constructed  a narrative  of  great  interest  and  enduring  value. 
As  is  well  known,  the  period  described  was  a critical  and  decisive  one  in 
the  history  of  Brazil.  The  French  invasion  of  Portugal  in  1807-1808 

1 Pernambuco,  sen  Desenvolvimento  historico.  (Leipzig,  1895.) 

2 Aspectos  da  Litteratura  Colonial  Brazileira.  (Leipzig,  1906.) 

s Dom  Joao  VI  no  Brazil.  2 vols.  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1909.) 


INTRODUCTION 


I I 


had  caused  the  members  of  the  Braganza  dynasty  and  the  Portuguese 
Court  to  take  refuge  in  Brazil,  which  thus  became  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment of  the  Portuguese  dominions  until  1821.  The  history  of  this  all- 
important  period  Dr.  Lima  has  made  peculiarly  his  own.  These  thirteen 
years  witnessed  the  transformation  of  Brazil  from  a stagnant  colony, 
a mere  geographical  expression,  into  a real  political  unit.  At  the  same 
time  the  Brazilian  people  under  the  fostering  care  of  King  John  and  his 
able  ministers  attained  a degree  of  national  self-consciousness  impossible 
under  the  old  colonial  regime.  Hence  the  definite  separation  of  the  col- 
ony from  the  mother  country  in  1822 — “even  as  a ripe  fruit  falls  from 
the  tree” — was  one  of  the  logical  results  of  King  John’s  long  residence 
in  Brazil.  Dr.  Linia’s  investigations  in  hitherto  unused  sources  also  led 
to  a revision  of  judgment  of  many  personages  and  events  of  the  period; 
an  instance  of  which  is  his  successful  rehabilitation  of  the  character  of 
Dom  John  VI.  This  sovereign,  treated  with  contempt  and  contumely  by 
the  bulk  of  the  Portuguese  historians  who  have  never  forgiven  him  for 
deserting  his  native  land,  now  appears  in  a new  and  deservedly  more 
favorable  light.  The  author  makes  it  clear  that  John’s  rule  in  Brazil 
was  as  liberal  and  progressive  as  was  desirable  in  a country  in  which 
all  thorough-going  reforms  must  of  necessity  be  introduced  gradually. 
And  these  same  reforms,  especially  the  opening  of  the  chief  Brazilian 
ports  to  the  commerce  of  all  friendly  nations,  not  only  redounded  to  the 
immediate  benefit  of  the  country,  but  what  was  infinitely  more  important, 
paved  the  way  for  ultimate  independence. 

Covering  as  it  does  this  wide  range  of  important  topics  and  written 
according  to  the  most  exacting  canons  of  historical  criticism,  this  mono- 
graph will  unquestionably  take  its  place  as  a standard  authority. 

Upon  one  occasion  or  another  almost  every  important  phase  of  Bra- 
zilian History  has  been  the  object  of  Dr.  Lima’s  attention.  The  fourth 
centenary  of  the  famous  voyage  of  Cabral,  brought  forth  an  article  on 
the  discovery  of  Brazil.4  Though  small  in  compass,  this  study  clears  up 
a number  of  perplexing  points  and  was  at  once  recognized  as  a real  con- 
tribution to  a subject  still  enveloped  in  many  obscurities.  It  may  be 
noted  in  passing  that  this  article  was  awarded  the  prize  offered  by  the 
association  under  whose  auspices  the  fourth  centenary  of  the  discovery 
of  Brazil  was  celebrated.  “The  Recognition  of  the  Empire,  a Contribu- 
tion to  the  Diplomatic  History  of  Brazil,”  5 is  a successful  attempt  to 

* Memoria  sobre  0 descobrimento  do  Brasil,  premiada  pela  Associacao  do  Qua- 
tro  Centenario.  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1900.) 

6 O Reconhecimento  do  Imperio,  Historia  diplom-atica  do  Brasil.  (Paris-Rio 
de  Janeiro,  1901.) 


12 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


explain  the  involved  and  tortuous  diplomacy  which  led  up  to  the  recog- 
nition of  the  Empire  of  Brazil  by  Portugal  and  the  great  powers  of 
Europe.  “Jose  Bonifacio  and  the  Movement  for  Independence”  6 is  a 
sympathetic  appreciation  of  the  character  and  achievements  of  the 
“Patriarch  of  Independence,”  that  scholar  and  statesman  who  proved  a 
tower  of  strength  to  the  young  Dom  Pedro  I during  the  stormy  years 
when  Brazil  was  serving  her  apprenticeship  in  self-government.  “Seven 
Years  of  Republic  in  Brazil,” ' an  article  originally  published  in  the 
N ouvelle  Revue  is  a remarkable  synthesis  of  the  leading  events  of  the 
period  1889-1896.  After  analyzing  the  causes  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
monarchy  in  1889,  the  author  points  out  that  the  disorders  and  confusion 
of  the  first  years  of  the  republic  were  the  inevitable  concomitants  of  the 
transition  from  an  imperial  to  a democratic  regime.  Finally,  mention 
should  be  made  of  the  lectures  recently  given  at  the  Sorbonne  at  Paris 
on  the  “Historical  Formation  of  Brazilian  Nationality.” 8 This  work, 
embodying  the  entire  history  of  Brazil,  is  probably  the  most  satisfactory 
work  on  the  subject  to  be  found  within  the  compass  of  a single  volume. 
Especially  felicitous  is  the  author  in  the  last  two  lectures  in  which  he 
points  out  the  salient  characteristics  of  the  reign  of  the  last  emperor  of 
Brazil,  Dom  Pedro  “the  Magnanimous.”  It  is  doubtful  if  a truer  or 
more  convincing  appreciation  has  ever  been  written  of  the  monarch  who 
for  nearly  half  a century  presided  over  the  destiny  of  Brazil. 

A work  of  particular  relevancy  at  the  present  time  is  the  little  vol- 
ume entitled  “Pan-Americanism;  Bolivar-Monroe-Roosevelt.”  This 
consists  primarily  of  a series  of  studies  or  essays  dealing  with  the  rela- 
tions of  the  United  States  to  Latin  America.  Especially  suggestive  are 
the  chapters  dealing  with  the  Drago  Doctrine — here  set  forth  with  un- 
usual clearness — the  evolution  of  the  Pan-American  ideal,  and  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine.  In  regard  to  the  latter  topic  Dr.  Lima  advances  the  thesis, 
now  steadily  gaining  in  the  number  of  its  adherents,  that  a new  basis 
should  be  found  for  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  He  unhesitatingly  admits  its 
value  to  the  whole  American  continent  “as  long  as  it  did  not  undergo 
alteration — that  is  to  say  as  long  as,  continuing  to  be  an  arm  of  protec- 
tion, it  did  not  become  an  arm  of  guardianship,  indeed  of  dominion,  by 
means  of  territorial  annexations.”  Rightly  or  wrongly,  however,  certain 
Latin  American  countries  have  arrived  at  the  conviction  that  the  Doc- 
trine is  losing  its  earlier,  altruistic  meaning  and  is  being  used  as  a cloak 

* Jose  Bonifacio  e 0 movimento  da  Independencia.  (Sao  Paulo,  1907.) 

'Sept  ans  de  Republique  au  Bresil.  (Paris,  1896.) 

3 Formation  Historique  de  la  Nationality  Bresilienne.  (Paris,  1911.) 

9Pan-Americanismo,  Bolivar-Monroe-Roosevelt.  (Paris-Rio  de  Janeiro,  1908.) 


INTRODUCTION 


13 


to  mask  the  designs  of  their  powerful  neighbor  to  the  north.  If  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  is  to  serve  a beneficent  purpose,  if  it  is  to  promote  con- 
cord rather  than  foment  suspicions  between  the  United  States  and  Latin 
America,  it  must  cease  to  be  merely  unilateral  but  must  derive  its  sanc- 
tion and  effectiveness  not  from  the  United  States  alone  but  from  all  of 
America,  or  at  least  from  those  states  whose  stability  and  importance 
have  won  for  them  a definite  place  in  the  comity  of  nations. 

The  remaining  works  of  Dr.  Lima  include  two  delightful  books 
dealing  with  the  author’s  impressions  of  the  United  States  and  Japan  ;15 
a carefully  arranged  bibliography  of  the  manuscripts  on  Brazilian  His- 
tory existing  in  the  British  Museum  ;1X  a series  of  lectures  on  the  Portu- 
guese Language  and  Brazilian  Literature  delivered  in  1909  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Louvain  ;12  an  incisive  and  illuminating  appreciation  of  the 
famous  Brazilian  novelist  Machado  de  Assis  and  his  works  ;13  an  his- 
torical drama,  “The  King’s  Secretary” — in  which  the  eighteenth  century 
Portuguese  statesman  Alexandre  de  Gusmao  is  the  hero.  Finally  men- 
tion should  be  made  of  a work  which  might  be  called  “Impressions  of 
a Diplomat.”  14  This  book,  embodying  the  results  of  long  experience 
and  mature  study,  is  really  a highly  constructive  criticism  of  modern 
diplomacy  with  its  too  great  emphasis  on  meaningless  traditions  and 
outgrown  formulae. 

Dr.  Lima  is  a member  of  the  Brazilian  Academy,  the  Academy  of 
Lisbon,  and  the  Geographical  and  Historical  Institute  of  Rio  de  Janeiro, 
in  addition  to  a large  number  of  other  learned  societies  both  in  Europe 
and  America.  He  is  a member  of  the  editing  committee  of  the  recently 
organized  “Societe  d’Histoire  de  l’Amerique  latine”  and  has  been  en- 
trusted with  the  preparation  of  Volume  VIII  of  the  monumental  “His- 
tory of  Latin  America”  now  being  published  by  the  Society.  This  vol- 
ume, entitled  “Brazil  under  the  Imperial  Regime,”16  will  unquestionably 
become  the  standard  history  of  the  Brazilian  Empire. 

In  this  brief  introduction  a few  words  regarding  the  general  scope 
and  character  of  the  present  volume  may  not  be  out  of  place.  Within 

10 No  Japao,  Impressoes  da  terra  e da  gente.  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1903.)  Nos 
Estados  Unidos,  Impressdes  politicos  e sociaes.  (Leipzig,  1899.) 

” Relacdo  dos  Manucriptos  do  Museu  Britannico  de  interesse  para  0 Brasil. 
(Rio  de  Janeiro,  1903.) 

12  La  langue  portugaise,  La  lit t era ture  bresilienne,  conferences  faites  a l’ Uni- 
versity de  Louvain.  (Anvers,  1909.) 

13  Machado  de  Assis  et  son  oeuvre  litteraire.  (Paris,  1909.) 

u Cousas  diplomaticas.  (Lisboa,  1908.) 

15  Le  Bresil  sous  le  regime  imperial. 


14 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


the  small  compass  of  six  lectures  Dr.  Lima  has  dealt  with  the  social,  po- 
litical and  even  the  intellectual  evolution  of  Brazil,  at  the  same  time  in- 
stituting comparisons  with  similar  or  parallel  movements  in  Spanish 
America  and  in  what  for  want  of  a better  term  may  be  called  Anglo- 
Saxon  America.  Such  an  undertaking  is  attended  with  many  difficulties. 
A merely  chronological  treatment  would  become  almost  inevitably  an 
epitome  of  dates  and  proper  names,  a characteristic  all  too  common  to 
histories  of  Latin  America.  On  the  other  hand,  a series  of  generaliza- 
tions covering  the  entire  field  would  necessarily  be  too  vague  or  abstract 
to  be  entirely  satisfactory.  Dr.  Lima  has  frankly  recognized  that  it  would 
be  impossible  to  cover  adequately  every  phase  of  his  subject  and  has 
therefore  confined  himself  to  a somewhat  detailed  discussion  of  a com- 
paratively small  number  of  topics  which  would  presumably  be  of  interest 
to  an  American  University  audience.  It  is  obvious  that  this  method  has 
certain  distinct  advantages.  It  permits  the  lecturer,  for  instance,  to  en- 
large on  various  problems  whose  solution  has  taxed  the  best  energies  of 
the  inhabitants  of  both  North  and  South  America.  Such  a problem  is 
the  abolition  of  negro  slavery.  Dr.  Lima  is  at  pains  to  point  out  the 
different  aspects  which  the  institution  of  slavery  assumed  in  Brazil,  Span- 
ish America,  and  the  United  States ; he  makes  clear  the  circumstances  un- 
der which  abolition  was  accomplished ; and  finally  explains  why,  in  the 
case  of  Brazil,  complete  emancipation  had  to  wait  until  nearly  the  end  of 
the  ninteenth  century  while  in  the  case  of  Spanish  America  it  synchro- 
nized with  the  separation  of  the  colonies  from  the  mother  country. 

Another  subject  capable  of  furnishing  interesting  parallels  is  the 
struggle  for  political  independence  in  the  various  sections  of  the  two 
Americas.  Dr.  Lima  indicates  certain  grievances,  economic,  social  and 
political,  which  the  English,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonists  harbored 
in  common  against  their  respective  mother  countries ; grievances  which 
in  English  and  Spanish  America  culminated  in  the  Wars  of  Independence. 
He  compares  at  length  the  two  great  protagonists  of  this  struggle  in 
South  America — Bolivar  and  San  Martin ; and  to  make  the  comparison 
still  more  effective  he  emphasizes  the  many  points  of  resemblance  be- 
tween Bolivar  and  Napoleon,  and  San  Martin  and  Washington.  Finally, 
he  carefully  analyzes  the  factors  which  led  the  new  nations  of  the  two 
Americas  to  develop  along  divergent  lines.  The  dignified  and  relatively 
peaceful  evolution  of  Brazil  is  to  be  attributed  in  large  part  to  the  in- 
fluence of  an  imported  but  thoroughly  acclimated  imperial  dynasty,  wtnle 
the  turbulence  and  anarchy  so  characteristic  of  the  first  decades  of  the 
Spanish  American  Republics  find  their  historical  explanation  in  certain 


INTRODUCTION 


i5 


pernicious  heritages  from  the  colonial  regime,  the  extinction  of  the  best 
elements  of  the  population  in  the  long  and  devastating  Wars  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  lastly  unrestrained  political  activity  divorced  from  civic 
education.  That  the  establishment  of  a number  of  European  dynasties 
in  Spanish  America  would  have  tended  towards  orderly  development  and 
political  cohesion  is  suggested  by  the  efforts  made  by  both  San  Martin 
and  Bolivar  to  found  in  America  some  sort  of  a liberal  monarchy.  This 
important  topic — the  attempted  foundation  of  a European  or  creole 
dynasty  in  Spanish  America — receives  in  the  present  volume  its  first 
adequate  treatment  in  English. 

To  pursue  further  this  analysis  of  the  various  topics  so  ably  dis- 
cussed by  Dr.  Lima  would  not  only  unduly  expand  the  limits  of  this  brief 
introduction  but  would  also  infringe  upon  the  lectures  themselves.  Es- 
pecially suggestive,  however,  is  the  author’s  treatment  of  such  subjects 
as  the  civilization  of  Colonial  Spanish  America;  the  relation  of  the  colo- 
nists to  the  indigenous  races ; the  role  of  the  clergy,  especially  the  Jesuits, 
during  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries ; the  attempt  to  apply  the 
principles  of  federalism  to  communities  in  which  the  civic  consciousness 
is  rudimentary ; the  formative  influences  in  the  intellectual  evolution  of 
Brazil  and  the  Spanish  American  Republics ; and  finally  the  growth  of 
idealism. 

In  conclusion  it  may  be  noted  that  the  topical  method  followed  by 
Dr.  Lima  is  not  without  its  disadvantages.  It  is  evident  that  only  those 
who  are  in  possession  of  a general  knowledge  of  the  leading  facts  of 
Latin  American  History  are  able  fully  to  profit  from  the  lecturer’s  gen- 
eralizations and  deductions.  Unfortunately,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
among  us  Latin  America  is  only  beginning  to  receive  an  attention  com- 
mensurate with  its  importance,  such  a background  of  general  knowledge 
is  but  rarely  found  even  among  professional  students  of  history.  To 
meet  this  situation,  as  well  as  to  increase  the  general  usefulness  of  the 
lectures,  the  editor  has  ventured  to  append  a number  of  explanatory  notes 
and  bibliographical  references.  With  few  exceptions  the  notes  refer 
only  to  events  or  personages  connected  with  Latin  America  and  the  ex- 
planations are  in  every  case  as  brief  as  is  consistent  with  clearness.  The 
bibliographical  references  are  in  general  confined  to  books  in  English 
or  French ; Portuguese  and  Spanish  works  are  cited  only  when  more 
available  references  are  lacking. 

P.  A.  Martin. 

Stanford  University,  Cal., 

March,  1914. 


LECTURE  I. 


The  conquest  of  America. — Religious  defence  of  the  native  element. — Indians  and 
negroes. — The  color  problem  and  the  discrimination  against  the  colonists. — The 
institution  of  slavery  and  the  conditions  of  political  independence  in  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  colonies,  affecting  diversely  the  abolition  of  slavery. — The  first 
Spanish  American  civil  war  and  the  verdict  of  history  in  regard  to  it. — The  social 
organization  in  the  possessions  of  the  New  World. — The  Indians  and  the  clergy. — 
The  part  taken  by  the  Jesuits. — The  fusion  of  the  races  and  the  Neo-European 
product. — Causes  of  the  separation : disregard  of  nationality  and  economic  exploi- 
tation.— Monopolies  and  prohibitions. — Spiritual  tutelage  and  emancipation. — His- 
torical reasons  for  the  Catholic  intolerance. — Intellectual  revival  of  the  Iberian 
Peninsula  during  the  Spanish  reign  of  Charles  III,  and  under  the  Portuguese 
dictatorship  of  the  Marquis  de  Pombal. — Influence  of  this  revival  in  the  colonies. 

he  conquest  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America  is  a fairly  familiar 


subject  to  the  great  number  of  those  who,  in  the  country  of  Pres- 


cott, cultivate  the  taste  for  reading.  You  have,  moreover,  the 
good  fortune  to  count  among  your  men  of  letters,  historians  who  have 
given  to  their  writings  on  certain  foreign  subjects  a picturesque  or  roman- 
tic touch,  or  a documentary  character,  in  each  case  superior  and  final. 
This  fact  deserves  all  the  more  to  be  noted  inasmuch  as  it  not  only  proves 
the  contrary  of  the  alleged  exclusively  utilitarian  character  of  your  civili- 
zation, but  is  moreover  an  evidence  of  your  intellectuality.  This  is  an  as- 
pect under  which  you  are  less  known  in  our  Latin-American  countries, 
notwithstanding  your  university  development,  to  which  I owe  my  pres- 
ence here  today. 

Thus  it  was  by  treating  themes  outside,  so  to  speak,  of  your  own 
evolution,  and  identifying  themselves  with  these,  that  the  name  of  Park- 
man  has  become  inseparably  associated  with  the  history  of  the  adventures 
of  the  French  in  Canada,  that  of  Washington  Irving  with  the  Arabian 
life  in  the  Vega  of  Andalusia  and  in  the  gardens  of  Granada,  and  that 
of  John  Lothrop  Motley  with  the  heroic  struggle  of  the  Dutch  for  re- 
ligious freedom  and  the  civil  and  political  franchise.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances it  would  be  idle,  not  to  say  pretentious,  to  repeat  here  things 
you  all  know  from  the  learned  and  charming  works  of  your  authors, 
and,  as  regards  the  particular  subject  I am  about  to  present  to  you,  from 
the  works  of  such  a distinguished  historian  as  Prescott.  I must  add, 
however,  that  the  study  of  such  topics  cannot  but  arouse  a certain  patri- 


CONQUEST  OF  AMERICA 


17 


otic  pride,  in  addition  to  the  general  human  emotion  called  forth  by  such 
extraordinary  events. 

The  conquest  of  America  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  decisive  events 
both  in  the  material  and  moral  evolution  of  the  world  as  well  as  in  the 
history  of  mankind,  and  no  educated  person  of  the  present  day  is  ignorant 
of  its  social  consequences ; they  form  part  of  an  ordinary  education. 
The  conquest  of  Mexico  and  Peru  constitutes  the  most  impressive  scene 
of  this  great  pageant  and  the  most  interesting  feature  of  the  achievements 
of  the  Castilians  in  the  New  World.  These  achievements,  though  at- 
tended by  violence,  were  destined  to  be  fruitful,  since  the  barbarian  civili- 
zations— if  we  may  thus  designate  the  semi-civilizations  destroyed  by 
the  European  invader — represented  the  formless  though  least  crude  ex- 
pression of  the  development  attained  by  the  American  race,  whether 
autochthon  or  immigrant.  For  it  would  be  futile  to  deny  that  the  Chris- 
tian civilization  of  the  Spaniards,  though  darkened  by  avarice  and  crime, 
represented  a higher  plane  of  human  progress  than  that  reached  by  the 
natives  of  either  Mexico,  Yucatan  or  Peru. 

For  this  reason  the  great  sacrifice  consummated  in  those  regions 
seems  all  the  more  cruel  to  us,  the  pathetic  and  touching  figures  of  Guate- 
motzin  [1]  and  Atahualpa  [2]  being  special  objects  of  our  pity;  but  we 
must  not  forget  that  throughout  the  entire  continent,  from  Hudson  Bay  to 
Tierra  del  Fuego,  the  struggle  between  the  conquerors  and  the  conquered 
was  equally  violent  and  bloody.  Whether  impelled  by  mere  thirst  for 
gold  and  silver,  or  urged  on  by  less  base  motives,  Europeans  in  every 
part  of  the  New  World  employed  the  same  system  of  oppression  and 
destruction.  The  use  of  such  methods  seems  to  us  perhaps  greater 
among  the  Spanish  than  among  the  English  and  Portuguese,  not  because 
they  really  were  so,  but  because  our  imagination  demands  that  the  meth- 
ods of  conquest  should  be  in  proportion  to  the  results  obtained.  Yet, 
notwithstanding  the  great  wealth  of  gold  and  diamonds  existing  in  the 
Brazilian  plateau  of  Minas  Geraes  [3]  during  the  eighteenth  century,  no 
other  metropolis  having  trans-Atlantic  colonies  could  have  boasted,  as 
did  the  Spanish,  that  from  the  gold  and  silver  mines  of  Mexico  alone  it 
had  received  during  the  colonial  period,  as  the  quinto  or  fifth  due  the 
royal  treasury,  more  than  ten  thousand  millions  of  dollars. 

It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  Spain  should  have  wasted  all  her 
energies  in  the  maintenance  of  an  empire  across  the  seas  which  was  the 
real  source  of  her  wealth.  Yet  a closer  scrutiny  would  show  that  this 
wealth  was  more  apparent  than  real.  During  the  course  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  Spain  had  changed  from  a producing  to  an 


i8 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


intermediary  nation,  from  a manufacturing  to  a trading  nation.  The 
causes  of  this  momentous  transformation  are  familiar  to  all  students  of 
Spanish  History.  They  were  on  the  one  hand  the  depopulation  of  the 
country  due  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors  and  Jews,  colonial  adventures, 
European  wars,  and  the  fires  of  the  Inquisition ; and  on  the  other  hand, 
the  exhaustion,  if  not  the  complete  extinction,  of  many  of  her  long  es- 
tablished industries  through  the  elimination  of  the  skilled  Arab  element. 
When  these  circumstances  are  taken  into  account,  it  need  occasion  no 
surprise  that  the  greater  part  of  the  wealth  obtained  from  America  was 
diverted  to  other  centers  more  given  over  to  professional  pursuits  than 
to  the  glory  of  conquest. 

This  lust  for  conquest,  however,  made  a peculiar  appeal  to  the  pop- 
ular fancy  of  a people  of  Celtic  characteristics,  and  to  the  fighting  in- 
stincts of  a nation  possessing  warlike  traditions.  If  you  will  read  the  trans- 
lation of  that  true  and  stirring  novel  called  the  “Narrative  of  the  Cortez 
Expedition,”  by  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  [4],  a translation  written  in  flaw- 
less French  by  Jose  Maria  de  Heredia  [5]  the  Academician  and  talented 
author  of  Les  Trophees — you  will  see  the  enthusiasm  with  which,  during 
the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  expeditions  of  this  kind  were  or- 
ganized in  Spain,  and  you  will  be  able  to  appreciate  the  appeal  they  made 
to  the  imagination  of  nobles  and  plebeians  alike,  and  the  animal  fury 
with  which  all  threw  themselves  into  the  storming  and  plundering  of 
those  unknown  and  fabulous  treasures.  Would  it  be  possible  to  impress 
ideas  of  moderation  and  kindness  upon  a people  in  such  an  excited  and 
frenzied  state  of  mind,  when  the  lowest  motives  and  passions  dominated 
and  overpowered  all  the  higher  instincts? 

If  the  Portuguese  did  not  evince  equal  enthusiasm  for  Brazil,  which 
was  the  portion  destiny  had  allotted  them  in  the  distribution  of  the  newly 
discovered  lands,  it  was  because  the  marvels  of  India  were  at  that  time 
engrossing  all  their  attention.  It  is  altogether  probable  that  had  the 
Spanish  controlled  the  Hindustan  peninsula,  they  would  not  have  held 
so  fast  from  the  very  beginning  to  the  islands  and  mainland  from  which 
they  began  their  difficult  conquest  of  the  New  World.  It  is  only  in  fable 
that  the  dog  is  seen  to  let  go  his  prey  and  run  after  its  shadow.  The 
Hindu  civilization,  before  it  produced  its  deleterious  effects,  like  the 
legendary  shade  of  the  manchineel  tree  [6]  dazzled  the  invaders  and 
awoke  in  them  delightful  dreams  of  lustful  pleasures  easily  gratified. 

History,  in  its  description  of  deeds  of  bloodshed  and  violence,  is,  in 
its  entirety,  but  a sad  and  monotonous  story.  It  is  not  so  very  long  ago 
that  peace  became  for  a great  many  a noble  ideal:  in  the  country  of 


RELIGIOUS  DEFENCE  OF  THE  NATIVE  ELEMENT 


19 


Brutus  and  Cato,  as  in  that  of  the  Cid  and  the  Duke  of  Alva,  it  would 
have  been  regarded  as  a sign  of  cowardice,  a thing  to  be  ashamed  of. 
In  Spanish  and  Portuguese  America,  however,  there  is  seen  from  the 
very  beginning  a movement  of  compassion  for  and  protection  of  the 
native  element,  tyrannized  and  reduced  to  slavery  by  the  fury  of  the  in- 
vaders. This  fact  is  greatly  to  the  credit  of  the  respective  mother  coun- 
tries, and  does  especial  honor  to  their  religious  orders,  for,  despite  the 
fact  that  they  regarded  the  oppressed  race  as  inferior,  they  did  not  judge 
it  to  be  devoid  of  moral  sense  and  without  soul. 

The  name  of  Las  Casas  [7],  whose  work  was  confined  chiefly  to  the 
Antilles,  since  they  constituted  the  field  of  Spain’s  first  adventures  and 
territorial  occupations,  is  one  that  is  justly  popular  among  you;  but  per- 
haps you  may  not  know  that  the  name  of  Anchieta  [8],  one  of  the  Jesuits 
who  devoted  themselves  heart  and  soul  to  the  catechization  of  the  Indians, 
was  no  less  worthy  of  veneration.  Both  in  the  conversion  of  the  Indians, 
and  in  their  ministry  to  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  colonists,  intent  on  the 
gratification  of  their  appetites,  the  priests  of  the  Jesuit  Order  rendered 
such  remarkable  services  in  Brazil  that  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that 
they  were  the  principal  agents  of  our  national  culture,  particularly  during 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  that  is,  during  the  period  in 
which  the  new  society  was  adapting  itself  to  its  new  surroundings. 

You  may  say  that  the  intervention  of  the  clergy  in  behalf  of  the 
Indians  was  after  all  of  little  practical  value.  The  government  of  the 
mother  country  was  too  far  away  to  supervise  the  strict  enforcement  of 
the  decrees  which,  from  feelings  of  justice  or  mercy,  had  been  extorted 
from  its  representatives.1  Moreover,  the  local  conditions  of  gross  sen- 
suality and  greed,  such  as  they  first  appear  to  us,  were  ill  calculated  to 
foster  feelings  of  compassion.  Spanish  American  writers  even  say  that 
the  caste  known  as  the  creole,  that  is  the  white  American-born  descendants 
of  the  conquerors  and  colonists  who  formed  the  local  nobility,  was  dis- 
tinguished by  pride  based  chiefly  on  the  purity  of  the  white  race. 

This  purity  of  race  was  not  in  a certain  way  as  much  prized  in  Por- 
tuguese America  as  in  the  Viceroyalty  of  Buenos  Aires  or  even  in  the 
Viceroyalties  of  Lima,  Bogota  and  Mexico,  where  intermarriage  with  the 
Indian  was  far  more  common  than  with  the  negro.  But  this  mixture  of 

1 In  speaking  of  the  government  of  the  mother  country  I refer  especially  to 
the  power  of  the  king,  who  was  in  all  respects  above  the  tribunals  and  councils 
which  exercised  jurisdiction  over  the  colonies.  Of  these  bodies,  the  former  were 
traditional  institutions  of  Portugal,  while  the  latter,  of  Spanish  origin,  were  estab- 
lished during  the  union  of  the  Iberian  kingdoms  (1580-1640). 


20 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


blood  did  not  lessen  the  inhumanities  practised,  nor  cause  pity  to  blossom 
in  the  human  heart.  It  is  well  known  that  no  slaves  were  more  un- 
fortunate than  those  belonging  to  the  colored  slave-owners,  where  these 
were  allowed  to  possess  them,  and  that  the  overseers,  whose  cruelty  to  the 
slaves  is  proverbial,  were  chosen  from  among  the  freed  slaves  or  those  of 
mixed  blood  rather  than  from  the  European  or  immigrant  element. 

The  numerical  predominance  of  those  of  mixed  Indian  blood  over 
those  of  mixed  negro  blood  in  the  greater  part  of  Spanish  America,  is  the 
natural  result  of  the  conditions  prevailing  in  those  countries.  In  com- 
paring these  with  the  conditions  existing  in  Brazil,  it  is  necessary  to 
keep  in  mind  that  the  Indian  population  of  that  part  of  the  American 
territory  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  was  denser  and  in  part  more  amen- 
able to  discipline  than  that  of  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Portugese,  and 
therefore  offered  greater  facilities  for  the  recruiting  by  force  of  colonial 
laborers.  It  must  be  further  recognized  that  up  to  the  time  of  the  Treaty 
of  Utrecht  (1713),  the  African  slave  trade,  which  could  have  supplied 
such  laborers,  never  ceased  to  be  a monopoly  of  the  government,  like  any 
other  branch  of  the  colonial  trade,  the  respective  licenses  or  concessions 
being  sold  at  a very  high  price,  a circumstance  which  enhanced  the  cost 
of  negro  labor,  and  at  the  same  time  stimulated  the  contraband  trade. 

It  was,  as  you  know,  at  the  Congress  of  Utrecht  that  Spain  was 
obliged  to  abandon  her  system  of  commercial  monopoly,  permitting 
France  to  trade  with  Peru  and  Chile  by  way  of  Cape  Horn,  and  through 
the  famous  Asiento  treaty  ceding  to  England  for  thirty  years  the  privi- 
lege of  the  African  slave  trade  with  the  Spanish  possessions,  at  the  same 
time  permitting  her  to  establish  factories  at  certain  points  in  Spanish 
America. 

I touched  a few  moments  ago  on  the  ever  burning  question  of  race 
feeling.  It  is  a sentiment  which  among  you  has  reached  a degree  of 
intensity  which  has  never  been  equalled  among  the  Americans  of  Iberian 
descent,  although  these  too  show  in  small  degree  a contempt  for  all  per- 
sons of  color.  Indeed,  not  only  has  the  genealogical  tree  of  many  families 
of  distinction  been  jealously  guarded  from  contact  with  all  strains  of  in- 
ferior blood,  but  the  whites  of  the  colonies  maintained  and  defended  their 
titles  and  rights  to  certain  posts  and  functions,  which  had  been  reserved 
to  them  by  the  laws  of  their  respective  mother  countries. 

Nor  were  reasons  wanting  for  this  racial  antagonism,  for  already  a 
son  of  the  colony,  or  creole,  was  placed  for  this  very  reason  in  a position 
of  marked  inferiority  in  the  public  life  of  the  time.  The  best  posts  were 
in  fact,  though  not  by  law,  unjustly  reserved  for  the  sons  of  the  mother 


THE  COLOR  PROBLEM 


21 


country,  as  individual  rewards  for  the  collective  effort  of  conquest.  To 
be  sure  the  colonists  succeeded  eventually  in  securing  many  of  the  judicial 
and  government  offices,  but  what  would  have  become  of  the  white  creoles 
if  the  negroes  and  the  mulattoes  could  have  competed  with  them  or  had 
been  placed  on  a parity  in  the  distribution  of  the  official  posts  and  honors  ? 

It  is  known  that  the  Indians  were  not  victims  of  the  full  application 
of  this  discrimination,  some  of  them  even  having  been  admitted  to  the 
nobility ; but  the  army,  which  is  the  symbol  of  effective  dominion,  never 
failed  to  be  European  in  its  command,  if  not  in  its  rank  and  file,  the  mu- 
lattoes among  the  local  militia  forming  its  private  regiments  in  which  they 
could  rise  to  the  post  of  captain.  A parallel  for  such  a situation  might  be 
found  at  the  present  time  in  the  conditions  existing  in  Hindustan. 

No  person  of  mixed  or  Indian  blood  was  allowed  to  matriculate  in  the 
University  of  San  Marcos  in  Lima  or  enroll  in  the  embryonic  Faculty  of 
Medicine  of  Los  Reyes,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  two  institutions  of  higher 
learning  in  the  opulent  capital  of  Peru.  The  wealth  and  culture  of  co- 
lonial Lima  may  be  gaged  from  the  fact  that  in  the  eighteenth  century 
no  less  than  four  thousand  carriages  were  to  be  seen  on  its  streets,2  while 
this  same  capital  was  such  a spirited  intellectual  center  that  the  contests 
for  the  professorships  in  the  University  produced  genuine  disturbances, 
giving  rise  to  factions  which  did  not  hesitate  to  come  to  blows. 

If  a mestizo  of  very  light  color  succeeded  in  gaining  entrance  to  these 
institutions  of  higher  learning  it  was  because  of  the  difficulty  in  proving 
that  he  was  not  of  pure  blood.  One  of  the  viceroys,  Count  of  Mon- 
clova  [9],  went  so  far  as  to  decree  that  in  such  cases,  once  the  mixed 
blood  had  been  proved,  the  degree  given  should  be  cancelled.  The  order 
must  have  given  rise  to  protests  and  appeals  to  the  Supreme  Council  of 
the  Indies,  for  royal  decisions  confirmed  it  in  1752,  and  later  in  1758, 
banishing  from  the  liberal  professions  all  colonial  subjects  who  were  not 
direct  descendants  of  Spaniards.  These  same  decrees,  however,  excepted 
those  who,  in  1697,  had  been  declared  free  from  mixed  blood,  of  noble 
birth  and  qualified  for  the  exercise  of  high  offices,  that  is  to  say,  the  In- 
dian caciques  [ to]  and  their  offspring. 

The  Church  was  more  liberal  than  the  State,  for  it  not  only  admitted 
into  its  association  all  new  converts,  but  occasionally  raised  them  to  the 
priesthood,  without  making  any  distinction  between  the  subject  Indians 
and  their  chiefs.  It  is  significant,  however,  that  the  Indians  took  but 
little  advantage  of  these  favors.  In  the  mother  countries  scruples  of 
blood  were  less  strong,  for  there  the  same  conditions  of  competition  did 

2 Burck : Histoire  des  Colonies  europeennes  dans  I’Amerique. 


22 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


not  prevail,  and  consequently  this  color  problem,  which  miscegenation 
was  silently  solving,  seemed  less  acute  and  less  irritating  than  in  the 
colonies. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  government  of 
Spain,  driven  by  the  needs  of  its  treasury,  went  so  far  as  to  sell  certifi- 
cates of  white  blood — the  famous  cedulas  de  gracias  al  sacar — the  cost 
of  which  naturally  increased  in  proportion  to  the  doubtfulness  of  the 
color  of  the  aspirant  to  a certificate  of  pure  blood.  Justification  for  such 
liberalism  was  found  in  the  Christian  religion,  which  anticipating  political 
revolutions  had  made  all  men  equal.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  those 
who  advanced  such  a pretext  for  social  philanthropy  neglected  to  men- 
tion the  fact  that  the  Catholic  Church  had  forgotten  to  condemn  negro 
slavery  while  that  nefarious  traffic  was  still  in  its  infancy. 

The  missionaries,  absorbed  as  they  were  in  the  work  of  freeing  the 
natives,  the  immediate  victims  of  slavery  and  destruction,  and  at  the 
same  time  realizing  that  some  one  was  needed  to  work  for  the  white 
man  under  tropical  skies  and  in  a territory  that  was  but  sparsely  settled, 
looked  indulgently,  or  at  least  without  protest,  upon  the  importation  of 
African  negroes.  In  Brazil,  the  first  cry  for  abolition  was  in  reality  made 
by  a priest,  who  wrote  the  Ethiope  Resgatado  (The  Ethiopian  Re- 
deemed} [ 1 1 ] , but  this  was  not  until  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  \ 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  in  Brazil  benefited  from  a continuous  pro- 
tective legislation  which  was  strengthened  by  the  Jesuits  in  proportion 
as  the  existing  laws  were  disregarded  by  the  colonists,  and  they  found 
themselves  at  last  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  rights  under  the  ministry 
of  the  Marquis  of  Pombal  [12],  precisely  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  when  the  lot  of  the  negro  was  beginning  to  awaken  public 
interest. 

The  circumstance  under  which  the  independence  of  Spanish  America 
was  effected  permitted  or  rather  determined  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
many  of  the  former  colonies.  In  the  case  of  Brazil,  however,  the  econ- 
omic importance  of  slavery  was  so  much  greater  than  in  Spanish  America 
that  the  slave  trade  continued  even  after  1851,  the  year  of  its  official  ex- 
tinction, and  the  institution  of  slavery  as  such  only  ended  in  our  own 
time,  in  1888,  and  then  without  any  social  upheaval,  but  rather  in  an 
atmosphere  of  liberal  concord.  That  which  in  Brazil  was  the  result  of 
gradual  evolution,  effected  under  normal  conditions,  so  to  speak,  was  in 
most  of  Spanish  America  hurried  on  by  an  acute  crisis  in  the  midst  of  a 
process  of  transformation. 

The  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  land-holding  classes  during  the  per- 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY 


23 


iod  in  which  Latin  America  achieved  her  political  independence  explains, 
in  part  at  least,  the  prompt  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  greater  part  of 
the  former  Spanish  colonies  and  its  retention  for  nearly  a century  longer 
in  Brazil.  In  Spanish  America  the  slave  owners  were  largely  to  be  found 
among  the  inhabitants  of  European  descent,  the  mine  owners  and  plant- 
ers, in  fine,  those  who  through  self-interest  or  political  loyalty — a loyalty 
strengthened  by  a bloody  and  terrible  war — remained  faithful  to  the 
mother  country.  Under  the  circumstances  the  success  of  the  Spanish 
American  Revolutions,  in  which  these  royalists  went  down  to  defeat, 
was  logically  accompanied  by  the  official  extinction  of  slavery.  In  Portu- 
guese America,  on  the  other  hand,  where  the  political  separation  from 
the  mother  country  was  accompanied  by  little  armed  strife,  the  problem 
of  slavery  did  not  become  so  acute.  The  land-holding  class  in  the  main 
identified  itself  with  the  new  regime  and  was  consequently  left  in  un- 
disturbed possession  of  its  slaves.  To  be  sure  we  had  in  a later  epoch 
such  episodes  as  the  so-called  cabanadas  or  guerillas,  which  between  1832 
and  1835  devastated  Pernambuco,  but  these  guerilla  bands,  so  called 
“Partisans  of  absolutism,”  were  much  more  armed  agents  of  pillage  and 
plunder  than  the  representatives  of  an  older  political  faith. 

Did  time  permit,  it  would  be  interesting  to  point  out  certain  analo- 
gies between  the  problem  of  slavery  in  the  United  States — a problem 
whose  solution  was  due  to  Lincoln — and  the  problem  as  it  existed  in 
Brazil.  I may  only  state  in  passing  that  although  abolition  was  certainly 
the  realization  of  a beautiful  humanitarian  ideal,  its  sudden  victory  in 
your  country  was  due  to  the  struggle  caused  by  the  resistance  of  the 
partisans  of  slavery.  The  Union  would  not  have  decreed  the  freedom, 
immediate,  complete,  and  without  compensation,  of  the  slave  element,  if 
the  union  of  the  nation  had  not  been  in  imminent  jeopardy  and  if  the 
cause  of  slavery  had  not  given  rise  to  a bloody  conflict.  An  act  of  hu- 
manity, it  is  true,  but  an  act  of  retaliation  also,  which  does  not,  however, 
annul  its  moral  grandeur,  nor  destroy  its  beneficent  results. 

In  Brazil,  the  reconciliation  between  the  Portuguese  and  Brazilians 
which  followed  shortly  after  the  bloodless  separation  from  the  mother 
country  permitted  the  prompt  establishment  of  an  economic  modus 
vivendi,  whereby  slave  labor  was  retained  until  the  moral  and  political 
evolution  of  the  country  demanded  its  abolition  by  legislative  enactment. 

This  harmony  between  the  two  discordant  elements,  under  the  ever 
peaceful  influence  of  the  monarchy,  resulted  in  a comparative  absence 
of  internal  dissensions  and  in  the  complete  allayment  of  the  revolutionary 
animosities,  after  a short  period  of  adaptation  to  the  new  regime.  The 


24 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Wars  of  Independence  in  Spanish  America,  on  the  other  hand,  created  a 
restlessness  which  had  become  proverbial,  and  traces  of  which  still  linger 
even  in  those  countries  which  have  definitely  entered  upon  a period  of 
peace  and  national  progress. 

Indeed,  the  Spanish-American  War  of  Independence  may  be  re- 
garded, as  the  distinguished  Venezuelan  scholars  Laureano  Vallanilla- 
Lanz  and  Angel  Cesar  Rivas  recently  declared  in  public  lectures  given 
at  Caracas,  as  the  first  of  the  internal  political  struggles  of  the  disrupted 
colonial  empire.  The  contest  was  of  a civil,  far  more  than  of  an  inter- 
national, character,  in  sharp  contrast  to  your  War  of  Independence,  in 
which  individual  rights  and  self-government  served  as  a pretext  for  a 
duel  across  the  seas  between  England  and  France,  which  had  for  its 
object  and  reward,  preeminence  on  the  seas,  together  with  colonial 
supremacy. 

In  a civil  war,  one  of  the  belligerent  parties  either  assumes  the  at- 
tributes of  the  sovereign  state  and  identifies  itself  with  it  or  is  swallowed 
up  in  the  vortex  of  the  struggle.  Spanish  America  gained  its  sovereign- 
ty, but  from  a certain  point  of  view  the  struggle  had  pernicious  effects 
which  time  alone  will  correct.  It  is  here  that  the  genesis  of  its  revolu- 
tions is  to  be  found,  just  as  the  Roman  conquest  is  contained  in  embryo 
in  the  first  fables  of  its  history : — the  killing  of  Remus  by  his  brother 
Romulus,  and  the  rape  of  the  Sabines.  The  Colombian  author,  Carlos 
Holguin,  accurately  describes  the  situation  when  he  says  that  “from 
that  time  it  became  an  established  principle  with  this  people  that  war 
was  as  legitimate  a means  as  any  other  for  obtaining  personal  advantage, 
and  one  by  which  the  desperate  could  make  use  of  rich  probabilities  of 
their  becoming  masters  of  their  fellow-citizens ; the  sacred  right  to  in- 
surrection constituted  the  foundation  of  the  Republic  and  the  fountain 
head  of  all  other  rights.” 

You  all  know  that  the  verdicts  of  history,  or  the  manner  of  judging 
historical  events,  frequently  undergo  modification.  The  feelings  and 
prejudices  of  the  time,  both  individual  and  collective,  naturally  influence 
the  manner  of  regarding  events  of  the  past,  giving  rise  to  different  and 
even  contradictory  estimates  at  different  periods,  and  even  in  the  same 
period.  To  cite  a striking  instance,  the  French  revolution  which  at  first 
was  generally  regarded  as  a salvation,  was  afterwards  declared  to  be  an 
infamous  and  useless  spilling  of  blood,  only  to  be  again  deified,  then 
villified,  and  finally  considered  on  the  whole  as  a redemption,  although  a 
nightmare  and  a disgrace  in  some  of  its  features. 

Historical  criticism  is  passing  through  a somewhat  similar  evolu- 


THE  FIRST  SPANISH  AMERICAN  CIVIL  WAR 


25 


tion  in  the  case  of  the  Spanish  American  War  of  Independence.  Its 
aspect  as  a struggle  for  political  emancipation  has  been  examined  into 
by  minds  less  given  to  enthusiasm  and  more  diligent  in  the  search  for 
facts.  These  scholars,  while  not  denying  its  heroic  texture,  have,  never- 
theless, found  that  in  many  of  the  engagements  of  this  cruel  war,  the 
struggle  was  less  between  the  Spanish  forces  and  the  revolutionary 
patriots,  than  between  subjects  of  the  same  color,  in  behalf  of  interests 
and  passions  which  were  then  disguised  under  the  name  of  the  “Prisoner 
King”  [13],  just  as  later  the  same  interests  and  passions  were  veiled 
with  other  more  abstract  names. 

Bolivar  was,  morever,  the  first  to  recognize  the  fact.  In  one  of  his 
stirring  proclamations,  issued  as  he  was  abandoning  in  defeat  the  field 
of  action  to  which  he  was  later  to  return  more  energetic  than  ever,  we 
read  the  following  words  addressed  to  his  compatriots : “Your  brothers 
and  not  the  Spaniards  have  torn  your  breasts,  spilled  your  blood,  set  fire 
to  your  homes  and  driven  you  from  your  country.  Your  cries  should  be 
turned  against  these  blind  slaves  who  seek  to  bind  you  to  their  own 
chains  of  slavery.  A few  successes  on  the  part  of  our  adversaries  have 
ruined  the  edifice  of  our  glory,  the  mass  of  the  people  being  misled  by 
religious  fanaticism  and  seduced  by  anarchy.” 

You  in  the  United  States  were  much  more  fortunate,  for  those  whom 
Laboulaye  [14],  in  treating  of  this  subject,  calls  domestic  enemies,  were 
rare.  In  Latin  America,  Chile  alone,  on  account  of  the  peculiar  condi- 
tions of  its  settlement,  which  was  effected  by  a hard-fought  struggle  be- 
tween the  colonists  and  the  natives — the  fearful  Araucanians  [15] — was 
accustomed  to  well  defined  parties  and  at  the  moment  of  separation 
showed  uniformity  in  each  of  the  contending  factions.  Thus  it  succeeded 
in  preserving  its  social  organization,  which  continued  to  strengthen  itself 
in  the  separation  of  the  classes  and  in  the  ascendency  of  those  of  the 
upper  stratum,  forming  a close  oligarchy  of  whites.  The  democratic 
spirit  is  already  opening  a breach  in  this  construction,  which  from 
its  very  nature  is  incapable  of  withstanding  the  destructive  action 
of  time.  Such  a peculiar  social  structure  secured,  however,  to  the  coun- 
try a century  of  assured  material  progress  and  an  administrative  stability 
superior  to  any  other  in  Spanish  America.  Hence  it  may  be  said  to  rep- 
resent an  epoch  of  national  development,  just  as  the  Gothic  cathedrals 
represent  the  period  of  the  most  ardent  Catholic  faith. 

In  Venezuela,  the  war-school  par  excellence  of  this  cycle  of  inde- 
pendence, there  happened  what  is  thus  described  by  Sr.  Vallanilla-Lanz, 
in  periods  as  eloquent  and  sonorous  as  are  to  be  found  in  all  Spanish 


26 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


American  literature : “The  flower  of  our  society  succumbed  beneath  the 
sword  of  barbarism,  and  of  the  great  and  noble  class  which  produced 
Simon  Bolivar,  there  remained,  after  Carabobo  [16]  (the  battle  which 
decided  the  fate  of  the  colony),  only  a few  living  skeletons  that  wandered 
here  and  there  over  the  Antilles,  and  other  dead  ones  that  marked  this 
broad  path  of  glory  extending  from  Avila  to  Potosi”  [17].  The  whites 
had  indeed  gradually  disappeared  amid  the  misfortunes  of  the  campaign, 
and  in  many  towns  of  the  country  only  men  of  color  were  left  to  repre- 
sent the  triumphant  democracy.  The  old  colonial  hierarchy  had  been 
swallowed  up  in  the  revolutionary  maelstrom. 

The  colonial  society  may  be  said  to  have  been  regularly  constituted 
at  the  time  when  the  Indians  were  granted  a civil  status  and  the  ransom 
of  the  slaves  was  first  advocated.  At  the  top  were  the  high  European 
officials  subject  to  the  Viceroy  or  Captain-General;  immediately  below 
were  the  colonial  whites  of  noble  birth,  almost  all  of  whom  were  planters ; 
below  these  and  competing  with  them  were  the  merchants  from  the 
mother  country  who  had  come  to  enrich  themselves  in  the  transatlantic 
provinces ; and  finally,  at  the  bottom,  were  the  various  strata  of  the 
common  people,  very  much  intermingled — the  freemen  of  mixed  blood, 
Indians  apparently  free,  negro  and  mulatto  slaves. 

In  the  sum  of  transactions  which  this  society  in  a stable  state  repre- 
sented, was  that  of  religion  itself,  for,  thanks  to  the  self-interest  of  its 
minister,  religion  conformed,  practically  at  least,  if  not  theoretically,  to 
the  methods  so  vigorously  denounced  in  the  early  days  of  colonization. 
Antonio  de  Ulloa  and  Jorge  Juan  [18],  the  distinguished  Spanish 
scientists  who  came  to  America  in  the  wake  of  La  Condamine  [19]  and 
the  French  Mission  to  measure  the  terrestrial  degree  at  the  equator,  de- 
scribe in  their  Noticias  Secretes  de  America  (Secret  Notices  of  America), 
which  were  not  published  until  after  the  independence  of  the  Spanish 
possessions,  how  the  regular  curates  exploited  the  Indians  like  any 
encomendero. 

You  are  undoubtedly  acquainted  with  this  expression  which  is  famil- 
iar in  American  history  and  which  signifies  the  holder  of  a royal  favor 
or  grant,  by  which  a certain  extension  of  land  was  given  to  him,  together 
with  the  Indians  inhabiting  it,  on  condition  that  the  concessionaire  or 
holder  of  the  trust  should  protect,  convert  and  instruct  them.  As  this 
trust  of  souls  was  not  undertaken  without  a certain  amount  of  obligatory 
personal  labor  on  the  part  of  the  other  party,  it  is  easy  to  calculate,  if  we 
recall  the  milieu,  the  abuses  to  which  such  a system  would  give  rise,  and 
although  various  attempts  were  made  to  eliminate  the  most  objectionable 


THE  INDIANS  AND  THE  CLERGY 


27 


features,  it  was  not  finally  abolished  until  the  time  of  Charles  III,  a mon- 
arch whose  reforms  deserve  to  be  known  and  admired  [20]. 

The  assertion  of  Ulloa  and  Juan  needs  no  corroboration,  for  their 
trustworthiness  is  well  known ; however,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  give  in 
this  connection  the  opinion  of  the  Frenchman  Depons  [21],  who,  in 
1806,  four  years  before  the  outbreak  of  the  revolution,  wrote  a book  on 
Venezuela  which  is  still  very  highly  esteemed.  According  to  him  the 
priests  arrived  from  Spain  with  good  intentions,  but  finding  their  asso- 
ciates given  up  to  a life  which  conformed  far  more  to  the  spirit  of  man 
than  to  the  spirit  of  God,  human  frailty  found  it  much  easier  to  follow 
their  example  than  to  set  a different  one. 

This  witty  remark  explains  why  the  laws  drawn  up  in  Spain  and 
Portugal  by  the  councils  which  superintended  the  colonial  administra- 
tion— the  Council  of  the  Indies  in  Spain,  and  the  Council  of  the  Colonies 
in  Portugal — and  ordered  by  the  monarchs  who  were  under  the  spiritual 
sway  of  the  Jesuits,  remained  a dead  letter  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean, 
especially  when  the  first  fever  of  evangelization  had  passed.  As  a 
result,  the  social  elevation  of  the  American  Indians  was  a complete 
failure.  The  brilliant  Venezuelan  writer,  Blanco  Fombona  [22],  in  re- 
cent lectures  given  at  Madrid,  observes,  and  rightly,  that  Juarez  and 
Altamirano  [24],  both  Mexicans,  were  the  only  men  of  eminence  which 
the  red  race  produced  in  the  nineteenth  century. 

You  will  recall  that  in  Juarez  were  incarnated  the  two  principles 
which  played  an  all  important  part  in  the  historical  evolution  of  the 
Mexican  nation.  The  first  was  the  spirit  of  national  resistance  to  the  at- 
tempt to  establish  a monarchy  which  had  the  grave  defect  of  appearing 
as  the  defender  of  threatened  political  elements,  and  the  still  graver  one 
of  availing  itself  of  foreign  aid  and  personating  itself  in  a foreign 
dynasty ; the  second,  which  was  still  more  noteworthy,  was  the  principle 
of  secular  or  anti-clerical  government,  with  which  the  institution  of 
democracy  was  identified  in  that  country. 

I used  the  word  Jesuit  for  the  second  time  a few  moments  ago,  and 
without  any  defamatory  intention,  in  referring  to  the  influence  which 
this  order  so  long  enjoyed  in  the  confessionals  of  the  court  and  in  the 
royal  cabinets.  The  recollection  may  cause  fear  and  trembling  to  the 
free-thinker  of  the  type  of  the  apothecary  Homais  [25],  whom  those  of 
you  who  are  familiar  with  French  Literature  will  remember  to  have  seen 
so  admirably  sketched  by  Gustave  Flaubert  in  Madame  Bovary;  or  to  the 
Carbonario  regicide  [26]  who,  in  the  confines  of  western  Europe,  in  the 
seat  of  our  ancient  and  glorious  metropolis,  has  endeavored  to  discredit 


28 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


the  republican  regime.  Such  recollection,  however,  has  no  terrors  for 
the  impartial  student  of  historical  events,  who  knows  that  in  North, 
as  well  as  in  South  America,  the  memory  of  the  Jesuit  cannot  fail  to 
evoke  feelings  of  emotion  and  gratitude. 

I think  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  emphasize,  as  far  as  you  are  con- 
cerned, the  part  which  Father  Marquette  played  in  the  exploration  of 
your  Great  West,  for  his  statue  in  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  louder 
than  any  words  of  mine,  will  speak  for  all  time.  Among  us,  that  is,  in 
Portuguese  America,  the  Jesuits  exerted  a greater  social  influence  than 
in  Spanish  America,  where,  owing  to  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
discovery  was  made — for  you  all  know  the  effect  on  the  destiny  of  Co- 
lumbus, of  his  residence  in  the  monastery  of  La  Rabida — other  more 
powerful  religious  orders  preceded  them  and  were  better  able  to  offset 
the  preponderance  of  the  famous  Order  of  Jesus  and  compete  success- 
fully in  the  steeplechase  for  the  conversion  of  the  savage  and  the  educa- 
tion of  youth. 

The  monks  in  Spain  and  their  dependencies  did  not  permit  the  Je- 
suits, in  spite  of  the  untiring  activity  of  the  sons  of  St.  Ignatius  of  Loy- 
ola, to  enjoy  more  than  a relative  half-light.  In  Brazil,  on  the  contrary, 
all  the  dramatic  color  of  the  sixteenth,  seventeenth,  and  eighteenth 
centuries  is  furnished  by  the  conflicts  between  the  Jesuit  missionaries  and 
the  hand eir antes,  that  is,  the  gold  seekers  and  slave  hunters.  The  mis- 
sionaries were  found  to  be  in  the  interior,  some  trying  to  protect,  others 
to  reduce  to  slavery  the  Indian  tribes  which,  after  the  first  hostilities  and 
disasters,  had  gradually  deserted  the  coast. 

These  cruel  and  bloody  conflicts  might  have  inflamed  race  hatreds 
had  it  not  been  for  the  gradual  disappearance  of  racial  prejudice  through 
the  combined  influence  of  intermarriage  and  miscegenation.  The  result 
of  this  intermingling  of  the  races  was  a multitude  of  mulattoes  who, 
through  a process  of  evolution  and  selection,  are  being  formed  into  a 
new  variety  of  the  white  race  in  which  the  old  European  element  pre- 
dominates. Other  important  factors  in  this  racial  transformation  have 
been  the  decrease  in  the  aboriginal  population,  the  cessation  of  negro 
importation,  and  the  constant  and  considerable  increase  in  European 
immigration. 

At  the  recent  Congress  of  Races,  which  was  held  at  London  in  July, 
1911,3  the  Brazilian  delegate,  J.  B.  de  Lacerda,  a distinguished  anthro- 

’ This  Congress  accomplished  the  miracle  of  discussing  peacefully  and  calmly 
one  of  the  questions  which  most  divides  humanity  today,  with  such  broadminded- 
ness that  the  United  States  was  officially  represented  by  a colored  physician. 


FUSION  OF  THE  RACES 


29 


pologist  and  Director  of  the  National  Museum  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  and  a 
white  man,  presented  a paper  on  the  Brazilian  mulattoes  in  which  he 
gave  a series  of  conclusions,  of  which  I shall  mention  two,  which  agree 
fully  with  what  I have  just  pointed  out  to  you.  One  is  that  the  mulatto, 
the  product  of  the  union  of  the  white  with  the  negro,  does  not  truly  form 
a race,  but  an  ethnical  type,  variable,  transitory  and  having  a tendency 
to  return  to  one  of  the  races,  the  original  factors  of  this  union.  This 
natural  tendency  of  the  mulatto,  writes  the  author,  is  seen  most  clearly 
in  those  transformations  which  populations  of  mixed  blood  in  time  under- 
go, when  marriages  obey  no  fixed  social  rules  and  mulattoes  are  allowed 
to  unite  freely  with  whites,  begetting  offspring  which  more  nearly  ap- 
proaches the  white  than  the  black  race. 

His  other  conclusion  is  that  the  constant  increase  in  the  number  of 
white  immigrants,  sexual  selection,  and  the  disappearance  of  race  preju- 
dice, are  cooperating  towards  the  extinction  within  a short  time,  of  the 
mulattoes  in  Brazil,  a country  which  will  become  in  the  future,  and,  ac- 
cording to  all  indications,  in  the  not  far  distant  future,  a nursery  of  the 
white  race  and  a center  of  Latin  civilization  [27]. 

The  same  reflection  applies  to  the  Spanish  American  world,  having 
due  regard  to  its  proportions.  If  throughout  Latin  America,  from  a 
strictly  social  standpoint,  the  creole  or  American-born  white,  notwith- 
standing the  continual  process  of  racial  fusion,  considered  himself  entire- 
ly distinct  and  much  superior  to  the  colored  population  which  was  in  part 
descended  from  him,  the  native-born  Spaniard  or  Portuguese,  in  his  turn, 
considered  himself  superior  to  the  creole,  whether  he  was — to  use  an 
adaptation  of  the  French  deracine — an  uprooted  government  employee, 
priest,  or  clerk. 

This  lack  of  consideration  for  the  creole  population  of  the  colonies, 
even  though  of  noble  birth  and  of  liberal  education,  came  to  be,  moreover, 
one  of  the  most  powerful  incentives  of  the  independence  movement,  when 
the  clock  of  time  struck  the  inevitable  hour  for  the  political  separation  of 
the  mother  country  from  her  possessions  which  had  more  or  less  reached 
adult  age.  Your  example,  however,  is  proof  that  this  kind  of  puberty  is 
not  more  precocious  under  tropical  skies. 

This  inferior  status  of  the  creole  in  comparison  with  native  born 
Spaniards  or  Portuguese  was  by  no  means  the  only  grievance  of  the  col- 
onists. An  equally  important  factor  in  the  movement  towards  political 
emancipation  was  the  discontent  resulting  from  the  economic  exploita- 
tion by  a system  of  exclusiveness  and  privilege  characteristic  of  European 
colonial  policy  until  comparatively  recent  times.  Both  causes  were  slow 
to  develop.  You  ought  all  the  more  to  understand  this,  since  they  were 


30 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


essentially  the  same  causes  which  gave  rise  to  your  glorious  independence. 
There  was  the  same  resistance  to  paying  taxes  which  they  had  not  voted, 
and  the  same  righteous  indignation  at  not  being  included  among  those 
who  could  establish  such  taxes,  when  they  possessed  the  same  titles  and 
qualifications.  But  in  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies  the  abuses 
in  this  respect  went  still  further.  Thus  to  take  an  example  at  random, 
early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  Venezuela  was  delivered  into  the  hands 
of  a company  known  as  the  Guipuzcoa  Company  [28].  As  a result  of 
the  monarch’s  many  favors  which  stopped  short  only  at  the  cession  of 
sovereignty,  this  company  was  able  to  govern  Venezuela  in  all  commer- 
cial matters  at  its  discretion,  and,  as  may  be  guessed,  entirely  in  its  own 
interest.  Commercial  companies  organized  after  the  manner  of  the  Dutch 
trading  companies  of  the  seventeenth  century,  flourished  in  Brazil,  espe-  ' 
dally  in  Para  and  Maranhao,  whose  unexplored  resources  it  was  proposed 
to  develop  by  making  such  a seductive  appeal  to  private  capital. 

It  was  with  this  idea  in  mind  that  the  great  Jesuit  Antonio  Vieira 
[29],  one  of  the  most  distinguished  writers  of  the  Portuguese  language 
and  a man  of  subtle  and  keen  mentality,  proposed  in  the  middle  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century  exemption  from  confiscation  of  all  property  belonging  to 
these  companies,  whether  merchandise  or  money.  The  primary  object  of 
this  proposal  was  the  attraction  of  Jewish  capital,  hitherto  suspicious  of 
the  prevailing  religious  intolerance.  Unfortunately  this  enlightened  plan 
of  Father  Vieira  was  never  carried  out  owing  to  the  opposition  of  the 
Inquisition. 

The  companies,  which  were  organized  later  in  the  middle  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  by  the  Marquis  of  Pombal,  of  which  the  most  important, 
the  Para-Maranhao  Company  [30],  rendered  valuable  aid  in  the  de- 
velopment and  exploitation  of  a hitherto  much  neglected  region,  had 
beside  their  main  object,  which  was  economic,  the  political  object  of  free- 
ing the  country  from  the  financial  tutelage  of  the  English  whom  the  Por- 
tugese nation  had  been  serving  simply  as  intermediary,  providing  herself 
with  their  industrial  products  and  sending  thither  her  gold.  But  the 
processes  followed  by  the  new  companies  could  not  be  made  to  vary  from 
the  usual  ones,  which  consisted  in  selling  European  goods  high  and  buying 
colonial  products  cheap. 

It  was  this  same  method  which  was  followed  by  the  merchants  of 
Seville,  who  made  Terra  Firma  and  Panama  centers  for  the  distribution 
of  their  cargoes,  and  pocketed  the  profits  from  their  exports  to  the  West 
Indies,  a traffic  which  was  reserved  exclusively  to  the  subjects  of  Castile, 


MONOPOLIES  AND  PROHIBITIONS 


31 


and  which  the  industrious  Catalans  only  began  to  enjoy  legally  in  1765  and 
1775,  or  towards  the  end  of  the  colonial  period. 

To  summarize — and  I am  doing  nothing  more  than  pointing  out  a few 
facts  among  a hundred  which  might  be  cited  in  giving  even  a condensed 
statement  of  Spain’s  and  Portugal’s  jealous  commercial  and  industrial 
policy  in  the  colonies, — a policy  which  I am  not  censuring,  for  it  corres- 
ponds to  the  ideas  which  were  dominant  in  this  period  and  which  are  still 
powerful  at  the  present  time — factories  were  forbidden  in  Brazil,  as  well 
as  in  Spanish  America,  the  production  of  various  articles  was  stopped,  the 
cultivation  of  the  vine  and  the  olive  was  made  illegal  in  order  to  prevent 
the  products  of  the  colonies  from  entering  into  competition  with  the  wine 
and  oil  of  the  mother  country,  and  in  Brazil  even  printing  offices  were 
prohibited.  For  instance  a printing  office,  which  was  opened  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  ordered  closed  as 
soon  as  the  offence  became  known  in  Lisbon. 

In  this  respect  Spain  was  more  liberal,  for  not  only  did  the  printing 
press  accompany  the  government  in  its  colonial  establishment, — the  first 
printing  press  of  America  having  been  established  in  Mexico  in  1538,  for 
Philadelphia  did  not  have  one  until  1686, — but  universities  were  created 
in  Mexico  and  in  Peru  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.  In  com- 
pensation for  this  relative,  though  important  intellectual  advantage, 
the  Spanish  American  possessions,  in  their  economic  inter-relations,  were 
subjected  to  even  more  stringent  regulations  than  those  which  in  Brazil 
constituted  an  obstacle  to  national  unity.  You  will  appreciate  the  situ- 
ation to  which  I refer  if  you  will  recall  the  difficulties  experienced  by  the 
founders  of  your  constitution  in  putting  an  end  to  those  trade  barriers 
between  the  states  of  the  Federation,  which  prevented  the  formation  of  a 
common  consciousness  necessary  to  their  joint  evolution. 

I do  not  wash  to  exaggerate  the  liberality  or  rather  liberalism  of  the 
Spanish  Government.  Its  colonial  universities  seemed  to  the  metropolis 
to  be  safeguarded  against  intellectual  innovations,  since  their  spiritual 
direction  was  confided  to  religious  congregations  interested  in  preserving 
mental  immobility.  If  in  these  schools  of  higher  learning  the  theological 
spirit  ruled  officially  in  all  its  obduracy,  it  was  because  the  same  spirit 
prevailed  in  the  schools  of  the  mother  country.  Neither  would  it  be 
reasonable  to  expect  that  the  colonies  should  so  far  have  outstripped  the 
mother  country  in  the  matter  of  positive  progress  as  to  oppose  the  delib- 
erate darkness  in  which  the  shining  light  of  the  Renaissance  had  been 
extinguished  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula. 


32 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Besides,  every  society  has  the  right  to  defend  itself  and  is  accustomed 
to  exercise  this  right  freely.  Thus  it  is  not  surprising  that  Catholic 
Europe — and  when  we  speak  of  Catholic  Europe,  we  immediate- 
ly and  involuntarily  think  of  the  Iberian  countries  where  the 
Catholic  fervor  was  most  pronounced — endeavored  to  guard  its 
religious  unity  in  the  sixteenth  century  against  two  equally  powerful 
enemies ; one  the  infidel,  the  Mussulman,  who,  having  been  expelled 
from  Spain  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  had  not  only  taken  pos- 
session of  Constantinople,  the  creation  of  the  first  Christian  emperor  of 
the  East,  but  was  also  destined,  at  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  in 
spite  of  Lepanto  and  the  heroism  of  the  Slavs  in  the  Balkans,  to  advance 
triumphant  until  he  should  encamp  beneath  the  walls  of  Vienna ; the 
other  was  the  Protestant  dissenter,  who,  for  the  sake  of  his  faith,  was 
sowing  discord  throughout  Europe,  dragging  entire  countries  to  the  side 
of  the  Reformation,  and  digging  a wide  trench  which  was  being  simul- 
taneously filled  with  the  blood  of  people  of  the  same  Christian  faith, 
divided  into  partisans  and  enemies  of  Rome. 

The  spirit  of  intolerance  which  arose  from  this  reaction  against  a 
threatening  and  imminent  peril  was  the  cause  of  the  comparative  intel- 
lectual isolation,  which  from  that  time  forward,  or  at  least  for  a certain 
period,  characterized  the  people  over  whom  the  authority  of  the  tradi- 
tional Church  was  maintained  intact.  In  conjunction  with  the  mother 
country’s  system  of  government  tutelage  already  mentioned  this  spirit  of 
intolerance  undoubtedly  exerted  a pernicious  influence  on  the  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  colonies  in  America. 

If,  indeed,  the  ecclesiastical  censorship  was  active  and  persistent,  the 
civil  censorship  was  no  less  so.  The  two  were  allied  in  certain  matters, 
as,  for  example,  in  the  laws  relating  to  printing,  which  prescribed  that  the 
consent  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  at  Madrid,  was  necessary  for  the 
publication,  even  in  the  colonies,  of  all  works  relating  to  the  colonial  pos- 
sessions.4 This  prohibition  included  both  Spain  and  Spanish  America 
and,  together  with  the  special  censorship  which  applied  to  all  printed 
matter  not  included  under  the  head  of  books  of  devotion,  works  on  the 
Indian  languages,  on  colonial  jurisprudence  or  panegyrics  of  courtiers, 
sufficiently  explains  the  kind  of  literary  production  which  was  turned  out 
by  the  local  printing  presses. 

These  works  afforded  ample  vent,  however,  for  the  intellectual  pro- 
clivities of  the  new  world.  A learned  paper  on  this  subject,  by  Don  Vi- 
cente G.  Quesada,  the  distinguished  president  of  the  Faculty  of  Philos- 


4 Law  of  September  21,  1560. 


INTELLECTUAL  REVIVAL 


33 


ophy  and  Letters  of  the  University  of  Buenos  Aires,  was  presented  at 
the  next  to  the  last  Congress  of  Americanists  then  meeting  for  the  first 
time  in  Latin  America  [31].  It  is  true  that  nearly  all  volumes  published 
in  colonial  Spanish  America  deserve  to  be  sent  to  the  literary  graveyards 
to  which  the  distinguished  Lord  Rosebery  has  sarcastically  alluded,  and 
yet,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  freedom  of  thought  was  unknown  at 
that  period — and  indeed  it  is  not  a universal  conquest  even  at  the  present 
time — the  press  exercised  in  Spanish  America  as  elsewhere,  its  quick- 
ening influence. 

Notwithstanding  these  prohibitions  of  the  official  censor — and 
among  the  prohibited  books  were  included  not  only  the  Encyclopedie, 
which,  it  was  feared,  might  revolutionize  the  minds  of  the  people,  but  also 
books  on  colonial  subjects  printed  in  Spain  and  abroad  that  had  not  been 
previously  reviewed  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies — the  philosophic  doc- 
trines of  the  eighteenth  century  succeeded  in  penetrating  into  the  forbid- 
den territory  by  means  of  contraband  books  and  there  effecting  the  men- 
tal transformation  which  was  to  result  in  the  independence  of  Latin 
America.  It  is  enough  for  me  to  mention  that,  in  1794,  a considerable 
time  before  the  war  between  the  mother  country  and  her  colonies  had 
broken  out,  the  Rights  of  Man  was  translated  and  clandestinely  published 
at  Bogota  [32]. 

Evidences  of  the  depth  and  influence  of  this  intellectual  ferment  were 
already  being  forced  upon  the  mother  country  in  no  uncertain  manner. 
There  were  already  unmistakable  warnings  of  the  separation  when  the 
more  daring  of  the  colonists,  seizing  the  propitious  moment,  would  raise 
their  voices  in  favor  of  divorce.  Once  more  it  was  shown  that  it  is  not 
in  vain  that  the  world  moves  forward,  and  that  contact  with  any  point 
on  the  surface  of  a homogeneous  body  tends  to  spread  to  the  entire  mass, 
the  better  the  conductor  of  the  vibration,  the  better  the  transmission. 
The  epoch  of  the  reign  of  Charles  III,  which  extended  from  1759  to 
1788,  or  up  to  the  year  preceding  that  of  the  taking  of  the  Bastile,  was 
also  for  the  countries  south  of  the  Pyrenees  a period  of  intellectual  trans- 
formation, the  general  policy  and  events  of  which  have  not  as  yet  been 
sufficiently  studied,  since  the  profound  transformation  through  which 
Spain  passed  in  the  eighteenth  century,  under  the  influence  of  the  gen- 
eral renewal  of  ideas  in  the  cultivated  world,  and  especially  in  Western 
Europe,  extended  to  the  colonies,  although,  owing  to  the  great  distance 
traversed,  the  impulse  was  naturally  less  strongly  felt  there. 

How  otherwise  is  to  be  explained  the  fact  that  in  1779,  when  the 


34 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


mother  country  was  in  the  enjoyment  of  full  and  undisputed  supremacy, 
a man  across  the  sea  was  found  boldly  attacking  the  methods  of  university 
instruction  then  in  force?  How  is  it  possible  to  understand  this  person- 
ality, if  the  milieu  was  completely  hostile  to  such  ideas  and  there  was  such 
absolute  ignorance  that  criticism  passed  for  a case  of  mental  teratology? 
I refer  to  Dr.  Espejo,  the  author  of  the  satire  0 Novo  Luciano  or  O Des- 
pertar  dos  Espiritos  (The  New  Lucian  or  The  Awakening  of  Minds),  an 
able  surgeon,  a man  of  encyclopaedic  mind,  and  a sarcastic  writer.  His 
views  were  declared  by  the  President  of  Quito  to  be  seditious  and  odious 
and  caused  him  to  be  rigorously  dealt  with  by  the  public  powers ; but 
during  his  exile  from  Bogota,  the  reformer  established  a school  for  the 
propagation  of  his  ideas,  and  counted  among  his  pupils  the  ardent  Narino 
[33],  who  was  the  owner  of  a library  of  revolutionary  books,  the  trans- 
lator of  the  Rights  of  Man,  already  referred  to,  and  the  center  of  the 
youthful  hopes  of  his  country,  before  he  became  the  adventurous  and 
persecuted  missionary  of  liberal  aspirations. 

In  the  Spanish  metropolis  the  revolution  may  be  said  to  have  started 
from  the  top,  just  as  it  did  in  the  Portuguese  metropolis,  where  the  Mar- 
quis de  Pomba'l,  while  strengthening  the  absolute  system,  gave  free  course 
to  the  new  ideas  in  the  economic,  as  well  as  in  the  educational  domain,  and 
in  expelling  the  Company  of  Jesus,  dealt  a decisive  blow  to  the  power 
of  the  Church  and  to  ecclesiastical  prestige  [34]. 

After  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  which,  as  you  know,  took  place  in 
Portugal,  Spain,  and  France,  the  government  of  Charles  III  decreed  that 
the  confiscated  property  of  this  order,  instead  of  passing  to  the  royal 
domain,  should  be  administered  by  a Junta,  or  council  called  Junta  de 
Temporaiidades,  and  employed  in  establishing  schools  and  charitable  in- 
stitutions. The  occasion  was  opportune,  therefore,  for  substituting  more 
modern  methods — methods  more  in  harmony  with  general  conditions  of 
western  culture — for  the  old  methods  with  which  religious  instruction  in 
the  Peninsula  and  the  colonies  had  been  identified. 

Various,  indeed,  are  the  reports  and  opinions  which  government  offi- 
cials and  commissioners  published  at  this  time,  protesting  against  the 
general  backwardness  of  the  colonial  mind,  which,  it  must  not  be  forgot- 
ten, reflected  that  of  the  mother  country.  In  these  reports  they  advocated 
the  official  reform  of  the  course  of  studies,  such  as  was  already  beginning 
to  be  done  privately,  as  is  testified  by  the  number  and  worth  of  the  eman- 
cipated minds  whose  work  was  so  fruitful  that  its  influence  has  reached 
down  to  -the  present  time. 


INFLUENCE  IN  THE  COLONIES 


35 


“The  century  was  closing,”  writes  Don  Vicente  Quesada,  “with  all 
the  colonies  feeling  a certain  instinctive  restlessness,  the  precursor  of  the 
new  life ; ideas  were  taking  a new  flight,  and  the  creoles,  the  children  of 
the  land,  those  who  were  really  interested  in  the  progress  of  the  country, 
were  beginning  to  secure  the  means  necessary  to  provide  for  their  needs ; 
the  former  pupils  were  finding  out  that  they  no  longer  needed  their  tutors 
of  the  Peninsula,  nor  was  it  necessary  to  ask  permission,  either  to  express 
their  thoughts,  or  to  promote  their  well  being.” 

So,  Latin  American  independence  was  as  logical  a result  as  was 
your  independence,  and  was  produced  by  an  identical  state  of  mind,  differ- 
ing in  degree  but  not  in  essence. 


LECTURE  II 


European  ideas  brought  over  the  sea  by  contraband  books  and  native  travelers. — 
Intercourse  between  mother  country  and  colony. — The  intellectual  progress  of  the 
New  World  of  Latin  America  before  its  political  emancipation. — Comparison  with 
the  progress  of  the  British  possessions. — The  race,  environment,  and  period. — The 
race  problem  in  America. — Traditional  sympathy  felt  in  Latin  America  for  the 
inferior  races. — State  of  the  colonial  culture  in  the  Iberian  and  Anglo-Saxon 
sections. — Territorial  conquest  of  Portuguese  and  Spaniards. — The  political  unit: 
the  municipal  chambers  and  cabildos. — Their  conception  and  realization  in  the 
colonies  and  their  significance  in  the  mother  countries  of  Europe. — The  Cabildo  of 
Montevideo  and  the  part  it  took  in  the  Revolution. — The  municipal  chambers  of 
Brazil  and  Independence. — The  politicial  and  social  reconstruction  of  the  new 
countries. — Education  and  charity. — Characteristics  of  colonial  education. — The  lack 
of  political  education  in  Latin  Ameria. — The  general  characteristics  of  particularism 
and  the  American  conception  of  federalism. 

We  mentioned  the  other  day,  as  a symptom  of  conditions,  the 
rise  and  growth  in  the  plateau  of  Cundinamarca  [ i ] , of  the 
principles  underlying  the  French  Revolution.  Here,  where  a 
hundred  years  before  there  had  wandered  only  Indians,  unprotected  from 
the  cold  and  ignorant  of  all  rights  of  the  individual  with  respect  to  the 
community,  there  was  now  to  be  found  a society  of  European  character 
which  was  secretly  but  ardently  reading  the  political  and  social  writings 
brought  from  the  other  side  of  the  ocean.  These  ideas  of  reform  were 
also  propagated  by  the  sons  of  the  colonies  who,  in  appreciable  though 
incomparably  smaller  number  than  is  the  case  today,  came  to  Europe  to 
travel  and  soon  became  familiar  with  the  dominant  ideas  and  aspirations 
in  the  lands  of  culture,  a term  which  in  the  present  case  signifies  France 
and  England. 

Do  not  think  that  at  any  time  there  did  not  exist  any  personal  inter- 
course between  the  colonial  subjects  of  the  Iberian  Peninsula  and  these 
more  progressive  countries.  We,  too,  had  our  Franklins  of  a certain 
kind.  The  Brazilian  epic  poet,  Basilio  da  Gama  [2],  in  the  poem  “O 
Uruguay”  has  immortalized  the  resistance  made  by  the  natives  of  the 
Missions  of  Uruguay  to  the  transfer  of  sovereignty  over  this  territory 
from  Spain  to  Portugal.  Though  born  in  the  interior  province  of  Minas 
Geraes,  that  land  of  gold  and  diamonds,  he  went  to  Rome  and  became  a 
member  of  the  arcadia.  Alexandre  de  Gusmao  [3],  of  Santos,  in  the 


INTERCOURSE  BETWEEN  MOTHER  COUNTRY  AND  COLONIES 


37 


State  of  Sao  Paulo,  polished  and  refined  at  Paris  a mind  that  was  naturally 
Parisian,  and  hence  his  acuteness  of  vision  to  discern  the  absurdities  in  the 
court  of  Dom  John  V [4],  of  whom  he  was  both  private  secretary  as  well 
as  annalist,  for  his  letters  form  the  best  criticism  of  his  reign. 

Moreover  the  intellectual  men  of  Portugal  in  the  eighteenth  century 
seem  to  us  to  be  in  no  small  part  Brazilians ; that  is  to  say,  the  number  of 
Brazilians  who,  for  the  want  of  institutions  of  higher  learning  in  their 
own  land,  came  to  Coimbra  [5]  for  their  education  and  remained  to  en- 
rich letters,  the  sciences  and,  in  short,  the  intellectual  life  of  the  metro- 
polis, was  by  no  means  small.  Brazil  found  compensation  for  this  loss  of 
her  sons  by  giving  to  the  life  of  Portugal,  at  least  to  that  of  the  Court, 
some  peculiar  and  foreign  features  which  extended  to  the  various  classes 
of  society. 

I consider  that  Spain’s  colonists  took  a smaller  part  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  mother  country  previous  to  the  independence  of  the  New 
World,  than  did  those  of  Portugal,  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Spanish 
colonies  had  their  own  universities,  as  well  as  to  the  geographical  situation 
of  the  colonies  in  reference  to  their  respective  mother  countries.  It  is 
obvious  that  comunication  between  the  Spanish  ports  of  Seville  and  Cadiz 
on  the  one  hand  and  the  regions  of  the  River  Plate,  of  the  Pacific  and  even 
of  the  Antilles  on  tjie  other  was  much  more  difficult  than  the  relatively 
short  and  easy  voy^e  from  Lisbon  to  Brazil,  and  vice  versa,  with  stops  at 
Madeira  and  the  Azores  and  continent  of  Africa.  The  American  con- 
tinent, in  the  southern  hemisphere  and  in  its  eastern  coast,  advances,  so 
to  speak,  in  search  of  the  civilization  of  the  Old  World ; the  configuration 
of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  be  sure  gives  at  first  glance  the  contrary  im- 
pression, but  this  geographical  accident  did  not  prevent  the  establishment 
of  a close  and  constant  administrative  and  economic  connection,  and  did 
not  make  the  number  of  colonists  who  visited  Europe  in  any  way  in- 
considerable. 

Simon  Bolivar  was,  as  the  son  of  a noble  family,  the  playfellow  at 
Aranjuez  of  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias,  afterwards  Ferdinand  VII,  that 
King  of  Spain  whom  he  was  to  despoil  of  a large  part  of  his  colonial 
dominions ; at  Paris  he  associated  with  scientists  such  as  Humboldt  and 
Bonpland ; he  was  present  at  the  crowning  of  Napoleon  at  Milan  as  King 
of  Italy,  and  in  a burst  of  enthusiasm  for  classical  history,  went  to  take  the 
oath  on  the  Aventine  that  he  would  devote  his  life  to  the  freeing  of  his 
continent. 

Miranda  [6]  reveals  himself  to  us  as  even  more  of  a cosmopolitan. 
A military  participant  in  your  War  of  Independence,  he  appears  later  as 


38 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


a freemason  in  England,  as  the  guest  of  the  great  Catherine  in  Russia, 
as  a superior  officer  under  Dumouriez,  the  conqueror  at  the  battles  of 
Valmy  and  Jemmapes — events  which  ushered  in  the  heroic  period  of  the 
French  revolutionary  expansion  in  Europe.  The  masonic  lodge  estab- 
lished by  Miranda  in  London  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  political 
emancipation  of  the  continent  which  was  still  in  bondage,  extended  its 
ramifications  as  far  as  Brazil,  which  hitherto  had  been  widely  separated 
from  the  Spanish  American  world.  This  lodge  thus  became  an  influential 
factor  in  the  revolt  of  Pernambuco  in  1817  [7],  which  even  during  the 
residence  of  Dom  John  VI  in  Brazil,  seriously  imperiled  the  Portuguese 
dominions  in  America.1 

Rapid  then,  as  you  see — for  what  are  three  centuries  in  universal 
history — had  been  the  evolution  of  this  new  Latin  American  world,  which, 
in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  could  only  offer  the  spectacle  of 
iniquitous  and  deadly  combats  between  the  invaders  and  the  natives,  and 
which,  now  in  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  was  already  pro- 
claiming its  rights  to  self-government  and  autonomy,  or  was  serving  as  a 
refuge  for  an  entire  Court  of  Europe,  fleeing  in  terror  from  Napoleon,  the 
seat  of  a colonial  administration  becoming  naturally  the  capital  of  a vast 
monarchy  [8], 

It  is  true  that  only  a limited  group  of  men  of  culture  were  advocating 
those  rights  of  freedom  and  self-government  and  that  the  great  mass  of 
the  people  of  these  countries  do  not  have,  even  to-day,  a satisfactory 
notion  of  any  social  contract.  But  does  not  the  same  thing  happen  in 
other  countries?  And  even  in  those  nations  which  march  in  the  van- 
guard of  civilization  will  the  minority  cease  to  have  charge  of  the  admin- 
istration of  public  affairs?  Comparatively  speaking,  it  may  even  be  said 
that  the  culture  of  the  Latin  American  colonies  at  that  time  was  superior, 
in  certain  respects,  to  that  of  the  Anglo-American  colonies,  whose  devel- 
opment today  astonishes  the  world.  On  the  other  hand  you  gained  much 
ground  and  outdistanced  us  all,  after  you  had  secured  your  independence : 
which  certainly  signifies  that  the  race,  the  environment  and  the  time  had 
not  equally  prepared  us  for  the  conscientious  direction  of  our  destinies. 

The  race  showed  the  effect  of  the  physical  and  moral  union.  Sr. 
Lacerda,  in  the  paper  to  which  I have  already  referred,  although  recogniz- 
ing the  accidental  superiority  of  some  mulattoes  and  half-caste  over  the 
original  factors  or  parents,  points  out  that  as  a whole  the  legacy  from  the 
negro  race  was  unfortunate.  This  legacy  consists,  in  his  opinion,  of  de- 


1 It  will  be  recalled  that  King  John  VI  resided  in  Brazil  from  1808  to  1821. 


THE  RACE  PROBLEM  IN  AMERICA 


39 


fects  of  language,  vices  of  blood,  wrong  conceptions  of  life  and  death, 
gross  superstitions,  fetishism,  and  a total  lack  of  comprehension  of  every 
lofty  sentiment  of  honor  and  of  human  dignity.  The  picture  will  appear 
darkly  colored  or  not,  according  to  each  one’s  preferences  or  prejudices; 
in  any  case,  he  failed  to  mention  that  the  moral  influence  of  Europe  was 
so  powerful,  even  upon  the  product  of  the  intermarriage,  that  the  most 
astute  politician  of  the  last  years  of  the  Brazilian  Empire  was  a mulatto, 
as  was  also  the  most  delicate,  the  most  subtle,  in  fine,  the  most  Athenian 
writer  recorded  in  the  literary  annals  of  the  country.  Of  mixed  blood  also 
was  Gonsalves  Diaz,  Brazil's  greatest  poet  and  one  of  the  great  American 
lyrists, — an  artist  of  vivid  imagination,  of  rich  coloring,  wonderful  rhythm 
and  profound  sensibility,  whose  mission  it  was  to  recall  the  native  tradi- 
tions of  the  country  and  idealize  the  soul  of  its  aboriginal  population. 

These  superior  minds,  animating  bodies  in  whose  veins  circulated  the 
blood  of  the  so-called  inferior  races,  are  the  best  testimony  to  the  efficiency 
of  crossing  ideas.  Moreover,  if  physical  crossing  leaves  its  impress,  why 
should  not  the  crossing  of  mental  or  moral  qualities  leave  its  effect  also? 
And  if  this  can  be  exercised  in  the  direction  of  deterioration,  why  would 
it  not  be  exercised  also  in  the  opposite  direction  of  elevation  ? The  in- 
stances I have  cited  are  only  a few  among  hundreds  which  may  be  seen 
by  any  one  who  will  look  for  them  in  Latin  America. 

The  local  milieu  was  suffering,  it  is  true,  from  great  violence  and 
tyranny:  the  conquerors  were  prodigal  of  both,  as  invaders  of  any  kind 
are  apt  to  be.  On  account  of  the  inequality  in  education  and,  consequently, 
of  the  difference  in  intellectual  viewpoint,  the  moment  of  emancipation 
was  one  of  insufficient  harmony  between  the  elements  destined  to  live 
together.  Nevertheless  in  insisting  upon  the  first  point,  it  would  be  per- 
mitted to  ask  if  instead  of  occupying  ourselves  with  the  past,  that  is,  with 
trying  to  explain  by  means  of  history  and  tradition  what  has  been  the 
political  and  moral  evolution  of  Latin  America  compared  with  Anglo- 
Saxon  America,  we  should  face  the  future,  which  of  the  policies  followed 
is  the  wise  one? 

Will  not  the  practical  method  which,  during  the  colonial  period  and 
later  during  the  period  of  independence,  the  sons  of  the  Iberian  Peninsula 
unconsciously  took  to  solve  the  problem  of  the  races,  perchance  facilitate 
its  solution,  or  rather,  will  it  not  assure  its  solution  in  the  future?  In- 
deed, in  your  country,  which  is  in  so  many  ways  the  most  progressive  in 
the  world,  and  the  one  in  which  the  greatest  progress  has  already  been 
made  toward  the  regulation  of  ethical  problems,  this  racial  question  con- 
tinues pressing,  inciting  to  acts  of  violence  which  you,  whom  I may  call 


40 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


the  intellectuals  and  the  disciples  of  philosophers,  are  the  first  to  deplore 
and  condemn.  Yet  we  of  Latin  America  have  already  settled  this  same 
problem  in  the  most  satisfactory  manner  by  fusion,  a fusion  in  which  the 
inferior  elements  will  shortly  disappear.  Thus,  when  mulattoes  and  half 
castes  shall  no  longer  exist  among  us,  when  the  negro  or  Indian  blood 
shall  have  become  diluted  in  European  blood,  which  in  times  past  and 
not  far  distant — it  must  not  be  forgotten — received  its  contingents  of 
Berbers,  Numidians,  Tartars  and  other  races,  you  will  be  threatened  with 
preserving  indefinitely  within  your  confines  irreducible  populations,  of 
diverse  color  and  hostile  sentiments. 

I will  not  say  that  the  general  tone  of  your  culture  has  not  gained 
by  this  aloofness  of  the  races,  by  the  consequent  integrity  of  the  purity 
of  the  white  race  which  has  contributed  so  greatly  to  the  present  super- 
iority of  your  civilization ; but  the  situation  created  by  antagonism,  that 
is,  by  the  presence  of  two  or  more  races  which  do  not  fuse,  will  some  day 
have  to  have  its  denoument,  and  the  denoument  brought  about  by  love  is 
always  preferable  to  that  which  is  the  result  of  hate. 

This  rule  of  love  followed  by  the  Latin  peoples  of  America  does  not 
date  from  to-day ; it  was  always  identical  in  its  spirit,  even  when  the 
times  were  less  inclined  to  moral  considerations.  The  Leyes  de  Indias 
[io]  (Laws  of  the  Indies)  are,  in  the  opinion  of  Don  Vicente  G.  Que- 
sada,  a writer  who  does  not  hesitate  to  censure  the  faults  of  the  Spanish 
colonial  policy,  much  superior  to  the  contemporary  laws  of  other  nations, 
revealing  a constant  lofty  purpose  on  the  part  of  the  administration  of 
the  mother  country  in  favor  of  her  American  colonies. 

This  does  not  mean,  however,  that  these  laws  were  superior  to  their 
epoch,  “whose  standards  in  their  entirety  they  adopted,  without  suspect- 
ing perhaps  that  posterity  would  regard  them  as  backward  and  perni- 
cious.” It  means  only  that  the  more  affectionate,  or  if  you  prefer  the 
term,  the  more  expansive  nature  of  the  southern  race  perfected  that 
aspect  of  their  legislation.  The  natives  were,  it  is  true,  badly  treated, 
violated,  enslaved  by  the  conquerors  from  the  Iberian  Peninsula,  but, 
as  I have  already  pointed  out  to  you,  by  the  side  of  these  exploiters,  from 
the  first  hour,  were  missionaries  of  the  same  nationality,  contending  with 
them  for  this  new  portion  of  humanity  in  order  to  elevate  it  by  education 
and  precept.  With  admirable  zeal  these  missionaries  set  to  work  im- 
mediately to  learn  the  American  languages,  and  while  acquiring  them 
they  even  went  so  far,  in  Mexico,  as  to  invent  figures,  after  the  manner 
of  the  local  hieroglyphics,  in  order  to  inculcate  thoroughly  the  rudiments 
of  the  Christian  doctrine. 


STATE  OF  COLONIAL  CULTURE 


41 


The  foundation  of  the  Seminary  of  San  Jose,  a primary  school  and 
an  ecclesiastical  professional  institute  for  Indian  children,  was  almost 
contemporaneous  with  the  conquest  of  the  Mexican  territory  from  the 
Aztecs.  The  College  of  Santa  Cruz  de  Tlatelolco  furnished  Indian  teach- 
ers for  the  children  of  the  Spaniards.  This  college  was  founded  in  1536, 
by  the  virtuous  bishop  Zumarraga,  whose  splendid  biography  by  Garcia 
Icazbalceta  you  would  greatly  enjoy  reading  [ 1 1 ] . In  1553,  there  was 
established  a home  for  foundlings  for  the  unfortunate  offspring  of  the 
temporary  unions  of  Spanish  soldiers  with  Indian  women,  the  support 
of  natural  children  being  obligatory,  however,  whenever  it  was  possible 
to  establish  the  paternity.  The  Viceroy,  Antonio  de  Mendoza  [12],  whose 
task  it  was  to  put  into  effect  the  Royal  decree  authorizing  the  establish- 
ment of  this  home,  was  also  the  founder  of  a retreat  for  girls  of  mixed 
blood,  where  they  received  some  education  before  leaving  the  institution 
to  marry. 

In  these  very  brief  pedagogical  and  philanthropical  references  I con- 
fine myself  to  Mexico,  your  adjoining  neighbor,  and  to  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, the  century  of  the  discoveries  and  first  explorations,  in  order  not  to 
extend  a list  which  you  might  think  interminable.  But  any  one  who  will 
acquaint  himself  with  the  subject  will  conclude  that,  notwithstanding  the 
many  adverse  influences,  charity,  the  foundation  par  excellence  of  our 
Christian  civilization,  no  less  than  the  benefits  of  education,  reached  the 
Latin  section  of  the  New  World  earlier  than  it  did  the  Anglo-Saxon 
section. 

Neither  can  it  be  doubted  that  at  the  close  of  the  colonial  period  in 
America  our  culture  was,  if  not  more  solid,  at  least  more  brilliant  than 
yours ; our  social  life  was  more  ostentatious,  if  not  more  civilized ; our 
development  was  fuller  and  freer,  if  not  more  fruitful. 

It  will  suffice  to  remind  you,  as  regards  Brazil,  that  in  Minas  Geraes, 
whose  gold  and  diamonds  were  making  Portugal  the  wonder  of  Europe, 
lyric  poetry  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  acquired  a natural  feel- 
ing and  an  almost  romantic  expression  of  a personal  character  which 
make  the  poetry  of  the  colonial  period  decidedly  superior  to  the  neo- 
classic conventionality  of  the  mother  country.  It  will  be  sufficient  to 
tell  you  that  the  luxury  of  your  Virginia  could  not  compare  with  the 
splendor,  somewhat  ostentatious  but  suggestive,  of  the  “Captaincy  of 
Gold,”  and  especially  to  remind  you  that  the  winning  of  the  West,  which 
in  the  United  States  was  the  feature  of  the  nineteenth  century,  was  in 
the  case  of  Brazil  begun  by  our  pioneers  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
was  already  concluded  in  the  eighteenth  century. 


42 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


The  great  results  obtained  by  our  diplomacy  in  fixing  Brazil’s  boun- 
daries with  the  neighboring  countries — a task  sufficiently  complicated, 
for  Brazil  borders  on  all  the  countries  and  colonies  of  South  America, 
except  Chile — are,  with  the  exception  of  slight  modifications  due  to  geo- 
graphical corrections  rather  than  to  political  motives,  nothing  more  than 
the  confirmation  of  treaties  concluded  between  Spain  and  Portugal  in 
1750  and  1777.  These  treaties,  in  their  turn,  represented  the  interna- 
tional recognition  of  Portugal’s  conquest  of  territory  beyond  the  line 
traced  in  the  fifteenth  century  by  the  Papal  Bull  and  the  Treaty  of  Torde- 
sillas,  which  theoretically  reconciled  the  Cortes  of  Madrid  and  Lis- 
bon [13]. 

The  desire  for  expansion,  identical  with  that  which  led  the  Portu- 
guese adventurers  to  cross  the  mountains  of  the  eastern  coast  of  the 
southern  continent  and  to  explore  the  rivers  of  the  plateau  to  their  cen- 
tral headwaters,  led  the  Spanish  adventurers  to  subjugate  Mexico  and 
to  radiate  from  there  to  Florida,  to  New  Mexico,  California  and  Guate- 
mala, that  is,  to  the  east,  north  and  south ; to  spread  themselves  along 
the  coasts  of  the  Pacific,  soon  after  this  Southern  Sea  had  been  discov- 
ered by  Nunez  de  Balboa;  to  take  possession  of  the  immense  backbone 
of  South  America,  occupying  the  Andes  wherever  there  were  outcrop- 
pings of  silver  lodes  and  establishing  settlements  even  at  points  which 
were  without  any  attractions  whatever ; and  finally  to  penetrate  into 
the  southeast  as  far  as  the  pampas,  in  their  quest  for  precious  metals. 

It  was  this  same  desire  for  colonial  expansion  of  the  two  Iberian 
countries  which  led  to  the  political  and  economic  organization  of  the 
new  nationalities  for  which  the  territorial  conquest  opened  the  way ; the 
initial  cell  of  this  organization  will  be  found  in  an  old  Roman  municipal 
institution  transplanted  to  America  by  the  founders  of  the  new  Latin 
World. 

The  municipal  chambers  of  Brazil  and  the  cabildos,  or  municipal 
corporations,  of  Spanish  America,  were  indeed  the  colonial  nurseries  of 
liberal  ideas  and  rights ; however  much  the  shadow  of  royal  despotism 
might  obscure  them,  depriving  them  of  the  radiant  light  of  liberty,  they 
constituted  the  soil  in  which  those  rights  germinated  and  where  they 
finally  burst  into  blossom.  These  corporations  were  popular  in  their 
character,  and  in  many  cases  also  in  their  composition,  although  the 
legislation  of  this  period  and  particularly  that  of  a later  period  greatly 
changed  their  nature.  They  had  been  granted  by  Spain  and  Portugal  to 
their  possessions  in  the  sixteenth  century  when  such  organizations,  as 
appears  from  the  relative  autonomy  they  enjoyed,  still  had  a significance 


MUNICIPAL  CHAMBERS  AND  CABILDOS 


43 


and  a reality  in  the  Peninsula.  And  despite  the  obstacles  which  the 
throne  placed  in  the  way  of  their  development  they  continued  to  progress 
through  the  force  of  their  own  momentum. 

In  Spain  there  had  even  been  a time  when,  as  one  writer  has  ex- 
pressed it,  by  the  side  of  the  landed  feudalism  there  existed  a kind  of 
urban  feudalism  extending  its  influence  over  towns  and  villages  and 
having  as  its  basis  the  large  number  of  communes,  especially  those 
created  in  the  territory  won  from  the  Moors.  In  Portugal  the  foraes  or 
charters  of  the  municipal  councils  no  longer  contained  their  former 
privileges,  which  had  been  as  great  as  the  Spanish,  and,  like  them,  were 
given  as  a recompense  for  services  rendered  in  the  wars  against  the  Mo- 
hammedans ; but  the  inhabitants  or  citizens  of  these  municipal  towns 
continued  to  be  the  raw  material  for  parliamentary  representation,  since 
it  was  they  who  furnished  the  taxes  until  the  Crown  absorbed  all  rights 
and  privileges. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  ocean,  far  from  the  supreme  power,  which 
in  the  pursuit  of  its  ideal  of  its  own  preponderant  authority  was  en- 
croaching upon  their  rights,  the  municipal  chambers  instinctively  re- 
sisted whenever  possible,  and  sometimes  even  beyond  their  strength,  the 
authority  of  the  feudal  lords,  governors  and  viceroys  which  had  been 
made  despotic  by  law  and  which  aimed  to  become  even  more  tyrannical 
in  practice.  If  perchance  these  chambers  did  not  find  sufficient  authority 
for  this  opposition  in  the  legislation  which  swathed  them  in  the  cradle, 
or  the  traditions  of  the  Peninsula  did  not  permit  it — for  in  Europe  the 
nobility  and  later  the  King  constantly  opposed  the  municipal  corpora- 
tions— they  at  times  necessarily  found  in  the  colonies  conditions  of  anar- 
chy sufficient  to  justify  their  disregard  of  the  text  of  the  Constitution. 

Castillo  de  Bobadilla  [14],  a Spanish  publicist  who  preceded  the 
writers  on  European  public  law — I say  European  because  an  American 
public  law  has  been  invented,  though  in  what  respect  it  differs  from  the 
other  I could  not  say — goes  so  far  as  to  find  a precedent  in  repub- 
lican and  imperial  Rome  for  the  full  meetings  of  the  vecindario,  that  is, 
the  popular  assembly  called  “cabildo  abierto”  in  which  the  ediles  and 
electors  were  associated,  thus  corresponding  in  a certain  sense  to  your 
primary  meeting.  The  Roman  precedent  refers  to  the  occasional  ad- 
mission to  the  Senate  of  knights  (equites)  and  other  supernumerary 
persons  who  had  held  the  office  of  magistrate,  or  other  citizens  chosen  by 
the  censors  for  consultation  and  counsel  in  grave  business  matters. 

The  political  and  social  importance  of  the  typical  Spanish  municipal 
institution,  or  rather  of  the  Neo-Latin  institution,  transplanted  to  the 


44 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


New  World,  has  been  the  subject  of  wide  discussion,  and  the  pendulum  of 
opinion  has  swung  and  continues  to  swing  between  those  who  assert  that 
in  the  colonial  cabildos,  which  were  created  for  the  government  and  good 
administration  of  justice  of  the  new  American  cities,  there  resided,  in  law 
and  in  fact,  popular  sovereignty,  and  those  who  do  not  see  in  them  any- 
thing more  than  the  “sad  parody”  of  the  Spanish  councils  which  were 
overthrown  by  Charles  V,  after  the  famous  revolt  of  the  Communeros 

[IS]- 

The  functions  of  these  cabildos  were,  as  you  may  imagine  in  view  of 
the  precision  which  characterized  the  Spanish  bureaucracy,  of  which  the 
Rey  papelista / as  Canovas  del  Castillo  [16]  called  Philip  II,  was  the 
most  perfect  representative,  minutely  set  forth  in  the  Laws  of  the  Indies. 
They  included,  in  addition  to  the  services  common  to  all  edileships,  ad- 
ministrative and  judicial  functions.  In  their  judicial  capacity  the  cabil- 
dos acted  in  certain  cases  on  gifts  of  lands,  decided  lawsuits,  and  even 
constituted  in  civil  matters  up  to  a certain  point,  a court  of  second  instance. 

But  just  as  in  your  constitutional  system, — the  so-called  American 
presidential  system  which  Brazil  imported  when  she  established  the  Re- 
publican form  of  Government  and  which  other  Latin  American  countries 
had  adopted  before  her, — there  was  an  executive  magistrate  with  full 
powers  alongside  of  the  deliberative  body ; so,  alongside  or  rather  above 
the  Roman  Senate,  there  was  the  Emperor.  Only,  in  the  case  of  the 
cabildos,  the  corregidor,  or  chief  civil  magistrate  who  carried  out  their 
resolutions,  was  appointed  by  the  king,  and  not  elected  by  the  people. 
This  fundamental  defect,  which  was  common  to  the  cabildo,  would  be 
enough  to  prevent  it  from  being  the  practical  school  of  democracy 
which  some  would  like  to  regard  it.  To  begin  with,  it  lacked  the  es- 
sential, a representative  basis,  the  people  taking  no  part  in  it,  either 
at  the  time  of  its  establishment — for  the  first  council  was  directly 
appointed  by  the  Governor — or  afterward,  as  the  regidores,  or  ad- 
ministrative officers,  elected  their  own  successors.  In  time  even  this 
form  of  election  was  largely  done  away  with,  as  the  result  of  the  aldermen 
ceding  their  staff  of  office  for  a pecuniary  consideration,  which  was  the 
source  of  many  grave  abuses  [17]. 

Moreover,  the  revenues  of  these  corporations  were  small,  their  taxing 
power  was  limited,  and  ordinarily  they  enjoyed  but  little  prestige.  This 
fact  was  due  in  part  to  the  despotic  tendencies  of  the  governors  and  mili- 
tary commanders,  encouraged,  as  a South  American  writer  has  pointed 

’This  expression  might  perhaps  be  translated  “The  king  submerged  in  state 
papers.” 


MUNICIPAL  CHAMBERS  AND  CABILDOS 


45 


out,  by  the  great  distance  from  the  metropolis  and  the  corrupt  Spanish 
administration.  Nevertheless,  it  is  a fact,  as  the  historical  critic,  Dr.  Jose 
Salgado  [18]  of  the  University  of  Montevideo,  has  indicated,  that  the 
colonists  were  permitted  to  take  part  in  the  communal  deliberation  by 
means  of  the  open  cabildos,  already  mentioned,  which  were  sometimes 
convoked  by  the  municipal  corporations  and  at  other  times  by  spontaneous 
agreement  of  the  citizens  in  order  to  decide  matters  of  grave  importance. 
In  these  open  meetings  the  opinions  of  all  were  heard  and  their  votes 
affected  the  deliberations  taken. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  municipal  corporations  of  the  colo- 
nies were  concessions  of  the  crown,  granted  with  the  object  of  fostering 
the  colonization  of  the  possessions  which  the  navigators  and  discoverers 
had  added  to  its  dominion,  and  of  promoting  the  constitutional  organi- 
zation of  these  distant  sections  of  the  metropolis,  connected  by  a common 
sovereignty.  In  Spain  the  fueros  or  royal  grants  represented  rather  the 
recognition  by  the  throne  of  a state  of  things  brought  about  by  the  diffi- 
culties of  the  Christian  reconquest ; they  were  a sort  of  free  contract  of 
mutual  respect  and  defense. 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  these  Spanish  municipal  charters, 
the  oldest  recorded  in  the  political  history  of  Europe  since  the  fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire  and  the  invasion  of  the  barbarians,  should  guard  so  zeal- 
ously the  prerogatives  of  the  burghers  that  they  denied  to  the  lords  the 
right  to  build  castles  in  the  territory  of  the  communes,  and  made  the 
nobility  and  people  equal  before  the  civil  law.  The  fuero  of  Palencia, 
for  example,  expressly  stated  that  there  could  only  be  two  palaces  within 
the  confines  of  the  city,  that  of  the  king  and  that  of  the  bishop,  and  that 
there  was  to  be  no  distinction  between  the  houses  of  the  rich  and  of  the 
poor. 

It  is  well  known  that  in  those  times,  which  were  really  more  tolerant 
and  liberal  than  those  which  followed,  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  establish 
themselves  in  the  towns  with  the  enjoyment  of  the  ordinary  rights  and 
privileges,  and  the  personal  guarantees  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  councils 
were  such  that  no  citizen  could  be  punished  without  having  first  been 
heard  and  condemned.  Only  a judicial  sentence  could  authorize  the  con- 
fiscation of  property,  and  the  Cortes  alone  had  the  right  to  impose  extra- 
ordinary taxes. 

I do  not  wish,  however,  to  compare  the  colonial  cabildos  with  the  old 
communes  of  Castile  and  Aragon  of  the  time  of  the  fueros,  or  with  the  free 
English  communes  which  were  later  revived  and  flourished  among  you,  but 
to  call  your  attention  to  the  tradition  which  they  represented,  although  im- 


46 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


perfectly,  and  to  the  importance  which  they  eventually  assumed.  “Some 
of  these,”  writes  Dr.  J.  Salgado,  “in  spite  of  the  laws  of  their  organiza- 
tion and  the  attempts  made  by  the  Spanish  authorities  to  absorb  them, 
were  gradually  acquiring  a real  autonomy  which  later  converted  them  into 
corporations  openly  revolutionary.” 

This  was  the  case  with  the  Cabildo  of  Montevideo,  at  the  time  of  the 
occupation  of  Buenos  Aires  by  the  English  expedition,  in  1806.  In  order 
to  enable  the  natives  to  reconquer  the  territory  which  had  been  taken  from 
them,  the  Cabildo  of  Montevideo  raised  the  governor  to  the  post  of  su- 
preme chief,  giving  him  full  authority,  for  they  considered  that  the  vice- 
roy had  rendered  himself  unworthy  of  the  office  through  his  cowardly 
desertion  of  the  field  of  combat.  By  this  act,  the  wishes  of  the  people 
were  not  only  placed  above  the  laws  and  the  decrees  of  the  sovereign, 
but  as  the  voluntary  expression  of  the  people  were  ruthlessly  carried  out. 
And  when  on  the  other  side  of  the  La  Plata  estuary  the  liberation  of 
Argentina  was  proclaimed,  the  Cabildo  of  Buenos  Aires,  although  con- 
strained and  coerced,  served  nevertheless  the  group  of  liberal-minded 
men  as  an  instrument  for  effecting  the  revolution  within  the  law. 

The  separation  of  Uruguay  from  Spain  and  its  independent  organi- 
zation which  followed  close  upon  that  of  Argentina  were  effected  by  the 
same  method,  which  we  may  call  the  revolutionary-legal  method.  Gen- 
eral Mitre  [19],  soldier,  writer  and  distinguished  statesman,  who  de- 
served the  title  of  the  Grand  Old  Man  of  Argentina,  has  justly 
pointed  out  that  at  Montevideo  were  enacted  the  two  principal  scenes  of 
the  democratic  drama  of  Independence:  the  open  cabildo  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  a self-governing  junta,  or  board,  appointed  by  the  people. 

You  see,  therefore,  that  in  the  evolution  of  your  government  the 
fundamental  principle  is  identical  with  ours  and  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  even  in  monarchical  Brazil  the  Empire  sprang  from  a movement  of 
concentration  on  the  part  of  the  provincial  juntas,  elected  by  popular 
vote,  and  that  its  proclamation  and,  later,  its  organization,  had  had  to 
be  ratified  by  the  municipalities — a significant  homage  paid  to  popular 
sovereignty. 

Under  the  circumstances  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  after  an  exis- 
tence through  three  centuries  of  colonial  expansion  this  old  Latin  and 
later  neo-Iberian  institution — despite  the  fact  that  in  many  cases  it  had 
been  nurtured  in  a hothouse  atmosphere — should  play  a role  of  great 
importance  in  that  period  of  transition  signalized  by  the  Wars  of  Inde- 
pendence. In  the  general  confusion  caused  by  the  political  upheaval  and 
the  spirit  of  the  century  the  cabildos  assumed  an  authority  which  no  other 


MUNICIPAL  CHAMBERS  OF  BRAZIL  AND  INDEPENDENCE 


47 


institution  was  capable  of  wielding.  Under  the  pretext  of  guarding  the 
integrity  and  inviolability  of  the  royal  rights  of  their  direct  suzerain,  the 
legitimate  king  of  Spain,  these  corporations  in  fact  took  away  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  crown,  not  only  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  foreign  king 
and  usurper,  but  from  all  attempts  at  authority  sent  from  Europe. 

In  Brazil,  where  the  presence  of  the  monarch  prevented  an  exhibi- 
tion of  this  pretense  of  colonial  loyalty — whose  sincerity,  except  perhaps 
at  the  outset,  was  open  to  serious  question — the  municipal  chambers  soon 
took  a conspicuous  part,  and  one  in  keeping  with  their  character.  This 
happened  at  the  time  of  the  conflict  between  the  national  regency  left  by 
Dorn  John  VI,  in  the  person  of  Dom  Pedro  the  Prince  Royal,  who  was 
afterwards  proclaimed  the  first  constitutional  Emperor  of  Brazil,  and  the 
constituent  Cortes  of  Lisbon,  which  sought  to  reduce  the  colonial  king- 
dom which  was  already  enjoying  autonomy — for  Portugal  and  Brazil  had 
formed  a united  kingdom  since  1816 — to  its  former  colonial  condition  of 
unequivocal  servitude. 

It  was  at  this  juncture,  as  I have  just  said,  that  the  municipal  cham- 
bers of  Brazil,  giving  expression  to  the  local  resistance  which  was  fortu- 
nately becoming  national  owing  to  the  presence  in  the  country  of  the 
throne,  which  acted  as  a center  of  attraction,  sought  to  establish  Dom 
Pedro  permanently  in  his  supreme  post  upon  the  ampler  foundation  of 
the  provincial  boards,  giving  him  at  first  the  title  and  honor  of  “perpetual 
defender  of  Brazil,”  and  later  the  rank  and  dignity  of  sovereign.  It  was 
those  corporations,  therefore,  that,  displaying  the  greatest  wisdom  and 
without  shedding  any  blood  whatsoever,  brought  about  the  independence 
of  the  country.  The  municipal  chamber  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  in  particular, 
took  the  most  active  part  in  the  establishment  of  the  democratic  empire 
that  Brazil  came  to  be  and  remained.  In  a certain  sense  it  may  be  said 
that  it  initiated  the  movement  [20]. 

The  methods  by  which  political  emancipation  was  secured  in  Brazil 
differed  from  those  employed  in  Spanish  America  chiefly  in  this:  our 
independence  was  accomplished,  so  to  speak,  without  war — for  this  term 
can  hardly  be  applied  to  the  few  spasmodic  attempts  at  resistance  which 
were  promptly  crushed.  And  the  bloodless  character  of  the  revolution 
was  due  primarily  to  the  existence  in  Brazil  of  a legitimately  and  tradi- 
tionally constituted  government  which  served  as  a shield  against  revolu- 
tionary aspirations,  and  which  enjoyed  the  respect  and  sympathy  of  the 
majority.  Consequently  it  succeeded  in  overpowering  its  enemies,  that  is, 
those  who,  fascinated  by  the  mirage  of  republicanism,  opposed  the  mon- 
archical regime  in  principle. 


48 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Any  discussion  of  the  political  emancipation  of  Brazil  must  neces- 
sarily take  into  account  the  influence  of  the  Regent,  Dom  Pedro  [21], 
in  whom  all  dreams  of  independence  were  led  to  concentrate.  On  ac- 
count of  his  close  connection  with  the  throne  of  the  metropolis,  of  whose 
reigning  dynasty  he  was  the  most  direct  representative  after  the  mon- 
arch, he  not  only  commended  himself  to  a people  which  had  only  just 
emerged — if  we  may  employ  the  metaphor — from  its  chrysalis  state,  but 
thanks  to  the  prestige  which  monarchical  institutions  still  enjoyed  in  the 
mother  country  he  succeeded  in  imposing  himself,  if  not  on  the  respect, 
at  all  events  on  other  less  patent  sentiments  of  such  reforming  Cortes, 
as  those  of  Lisbon,  which  declared  themselves  liberal  without  being  revo- 
lutionary. 

Turning  to  the  other  section  of  Latin  America  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  as  the  result  of  the  longer  sustained  efforts  and  the  greater  violence 
with  which  the  separation  was  effected,  the  Spanish  ex-colonies  were 
able  to  surpass  the  kingdom  of  Brazil  in  the  mighty  work  of  political 
and  social  reconstruction  after  independence  had  been  won.  Without 
any  agreement  among  themselves,  each  one  legislating  in  its  own  special 
interest,  they  changed  in  the  same  way  the  constitutional  structure  from 
its  foundation,  establishing  not  only  freedom  of  industry,  of  trade,  of 
colonization  and  of  religion — all  of  which  Brazil  had  obtained  from  the 
transplanted  royalty  as  spontaneous  grants,  although  they  naturally  were 
still  subject  to  certain  restrictions,  due  to  prejudices  ofr  the  time  and  sur- 
roundings— but  also  decreeing  the  general  extinction  of  slavery,  the  abol- 
ishment of  the  Indian  tribute  and  the  suppression  of  the  nobility. 

I have  already  spoken  of  the  painful  birth  of  the  idea  of  emancipa- 
tion of  the  negro  in  the  United  States  and  Spanish  America.  It  was  a 
freedom  won  by  blood,  Brazil  being  the  only  country  in  which  it  was 
effected  peacefully,  by  evolution,  amid  the  rejoicings  of  the  people,  who 
felt  that  the  institution  of  slavery  was  incompatible  with  their  state  of 
civilization.  And  it  cannot  be  said  that  with  the  exception  of  this  social 
institution,  which  morally  did  not  last  any  longer  among  us  than  it  did 
in  fact  among  you — for  the  act  of  1863  was  the  death-knell  of  slavery  in 
the  rest  of  America  where  this  scourge  existed — human  progress  was 
not  equal  in  the  two  sections  of  Latin  America. 

The  extinction  of  the  Inquisition,  that  executioner  of  thought ; the 
freedom  of  the  press ; the  regulation  of  the  monastical  communities ; the 
reduction  of  ecclesiastical  privileges  and  consequent  lessening  of  the  re- 
ligious power ; the  abolition  of  a few  burdensome  taxes ; the  reform  of 
the  civil,  commercial  and  penal  laws ; — all  of  these  conquests  of  the  up- 


EDUCATION  AND  CHARITY 


49 


rising  in  the  Spanish  colonies  were,  in  Brazil,  obtained  by  that  same  pro- 
cess of  evolution  which,  before  the  separation,  reflected  the  wave  of  con- 
stitutional reform  sweeping  over  Portugal,  and  which,  also,  after  the  sep- 
aration of  the  two  kingdoms,  was  the  result  of  the  establishment  of  the 
representative  regime. 

This  regime  synchronized  with  political  emancipation  and  its  ac- 
climatization earlier  would  not  have  been  in  harmony  with  the  conditions 
then  prevailing;  but  even  so  one  must  seek  in  the  past  of  the  Latin- 
American  countries  the  tradition  for  all  that  occurred  later  in  this  con- 
nection. I mentioned  a little  while  ago  that  the  most  attractive  feature 
of  the  Spanish  civilization,  or  rather  of  the  Iberian  civilization  in  the 
New  World,  was  its  sympathy  for  the  natives,  a sympathy  which  did  not 
prevent  abuses,  acts  of  violence,  persecutions  and  tyrannies ; for  there 
were  all  of  these,  and,  unfortunately,  not  on  a small  scale.  Yet  this  sym- 
pathy included  a progressive  and  regenerative  element  which  was  the  re- 
sult of  an  instinctive  feeling  of  the  spiritual  equality  of  that  alien  race, 
of  a sense  of  the  iniquity  of  treating  them  in  any  other  way  than  with 
justice  and  benevolence,  and  of  the  recognition  of  the  right  of  that  in- 
ferior people  to  intellectual  and  moral  education  and  to  social  elevation. 

We  have  already  seen  that  in  Spanish  America — and  the  same  con- 
ditions held  in  Portuguese  America — the  schools  and  colleges  for  Indians 
and  their  descendants  were  contemporaneous  with  those  established  for 
the  white  children  of  the  European  colonists.  This  idea  of  establishing 
schools  on  the  heels  of  the  conquest  was  not  as  chimerical  as  might  ap- 
pear at  first  sight.  Rather  is  one  amazed  at  the  number  and  importance 
of  these  institutions  considering  the  period  and  the  local  conditions.  The 
province  of  New  Granada,  now  Colombia,  which  in  her  highlands  was 
the  least  accessible  of  the  Spanish  possessions  and  had  comparatively  the 
smallest  resources,  counted  in  the  seventeenth  century  twenty-three  col- 
leges, not  including  the  primary  schools  which  existed  in  nearly  all  the 
convents.  It  should  be  added  that  many  of  these  primary  schools  as  well 
as  colleges  were  due  to  private  initiative. 

In  Latin-American  countries,  education,  as  well  as  charity,  has  al- 
ways been  favored  in  a high  degree  by  legacies  and  donations.  In  a city 
like  that  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  for  example,  which  has  at  the  present  time 
nearly  a million  inhabitants,  the  public  charity  service  is  scarcely  done  by 
the  city  administration  at  all,  but  almost  entirely,  and  in  a manner  emi- 
nently satisfactory,  by  that  rich  old  colonial  institution,  the  Misericordia, 
the  first  Misericordias  in  Portugal  having  been  established  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  This  institution  has  hospitals  for  the  sick,  maternity  and  chil- 
dren’s wards,  provides  for  the  burial  of  the  dead,  and  guards  cemeteries. 


50 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Naturally,  the  Government  has  always  looked  with  favor  upon  this 
prosperous  institution  which  was  working  totally  in  its  interest.  This 
was  not  the  case,  however,  with  the  strictly  ecclesiastical  donations. 
These  conduced  to  the  wealth  and  consequent  influence  of  the  religious 
communities,  which,  by  means  of  this  material  prestige,  were  able  to  enter 
into  conflicts  with  the  civil  authorities.  Certain  disagreements  between 
viceroys  and  bishops,  as  well  as  between  bishops  and  Jesuits,  remained 
famous  in  the  colonial  annals.  The  anecdotal  history  of  the  New  World 
of  Latin  America  is  as  interesting  and  as  diverting  as  yours,  if  not  more 
so ; you  can  become  acquainted  with  a part  of  it,  and  that  the  most 
curious,  by  reading  the  Tradiciones  del  Peru,  by  Ricardo  Palma  [22]. 

Education  in  the  Iberian  colonies,  as  I have  already  pointed  out,  was 
of  an  essentially  religious  character,  for  it  was  ecclesiastical  in  its  ori- 
gin, and  even  served  as  a pretext  for  the  emulation  of  the  various  Catholic 
congregations,  especially  in  the  Spanish  possessions,  where  the  Jesuits, 
Dominicans,  and  Franciscans,  contended  for  the  educational  monopoly. 
This  rivalry,  however,  could  only  find  vent  within  the  prescribed  limits ; 
and,  as  Don  Vicente  Quesada  [23]  well  says,  since  there  was  no  place  in 
the  monotonous  existence  of  the  colony  for  political  strifes,  all  the  activi- 
ties were  concentrated  in  these  academic  contests.  “The  refined,  scholarly 
and  somewhat  mandarinic  culture  resulting  from  these  contests  imparted 
to  the  Latin-American  people,  isolated  as  they  were  from  the  rest  of  the 
world,  a characteristic  polish  as  rhetoricians,  formulists,  controversialists, 
erudite  scholars  devoted  to  beauty  of  style,  observers  of  outward  forms 
and  conventions,  sophists,  prone  to  attach  too  great  importance  to  words, 
and  especially  much  given  to  an  affected  ergotism.” 

In  the  same  spirit  as  this  admirable  observation  of  the  eminent  Ar- 
gentine just  cited  are  the  words  of  Juan  and  Ulloa  [24]  with  regard  to 
the  effects  of  ecclesiastical  education.  These  distinguished  naval  officers 
accompanied  the  French  Scientific  Mission  on  its  expedition  to  South 
America,  which  had  been  made  possible  by  the  fact  that  the  princes  of 
the  house  of  Bourbon  were  seated  on  the  thrones  of  Spain  and  France. 
They  observed  that  the  educated  youth  of  the  colonies,  who  were  truly 
gifted  with  remarkable  cleverness  and  rare  powers  of  quick  assimilation, 
were  notable  for  their  knowledge  of  philosophy,  of  theology  and  even 
of  jurisprudence,  but  that  they  lacked  acquaintance  with  the  political,  his- 
torical and  natural  sciences. 

The  worst  feature,  however,  of  these  Latin-American  colonial  so- 
cieties, which  were  without  horizons  of  their  own — for  they  enjoyed 


LACK  OF  POLITICAL  EDUCATION 


51 


neither  industrial  nor  commercial  freedom — was  their  administrative  in- 
capacity ; rather  I should  say  their  enforced  inability  to  govern  them- 
selves, or,  in  other  words,  their  need  of  political  education.  It  was  in 
these  respects  that  you  showed  your  great  superiority  over  us,  a super- 
iority which  enabled  you  to  make  rapid  advancement  after  you  had 
gained  your  independence.  Among  you,  established  tradition  had  only 
to  continue  under  a new  name  and  under  more  favorable  conditions.  The 
government  was  in  fact  already  in  the  hands  of  the  colonists  and  their 
descendants.  We,  on  the  other  hand,  had  to  adapt  ourselves  to  the 
changed  conditions,  whereas  among  you  the  adaption  had  already  been 
made. 

The  two  civilizations,  though,  had  one  characteristic  in  common 
which  tended  to  favor  and  really  did  favor  our  progress.  This  was  Par- 
ticularism, whose  influence  is  seen  in  all  the  various  aspects  of  the  evo- 
lution of  America,  both  Iberian  and  Anglo-Saxon  America.  Where  one 
least  expects  to  find  it,  it  rises  up,  to  explain,  if  not  to  justifiy  the  march 
of  events,  or  as  an  artist  would  say,  to  fix  the  different  planes  in  a sketch 
of  culture.  Let  us  take,  for  example,  what  was  the  greatest  political  and 
social  problem  of  the  New  World,  that  is,  slavery,  a thing  of  the  past  and 
yet  of  the  present,  for  its  consequences  have  not  yet  ceased  to  be  felt,  its 
vestiges  are  far  from  having  disappeared.  The  institution  of  slavery  had 
its  best  guarantee  in  its  diffusion : it  was  identified  with  our  evolution 
and  had  become  an  institution  common  to  all  American  colonies,  passing 
naturally  to  the  new  countries  of  all  nationalities.  It  is  evident  that 
with  its  continuance  assured  in  the  United  States,  there  was  no 
reason  for  it  not  to  continue  in  the  other  countries  of  the  continent  where 
slavery  had  resisted  the  emancipation  crises,  namely  Brazil,  Cuba,  Porto 
Rico  and  the  Guianas.  Of  these  countries,  Brazil  alone  had  achieved  in- 
dependence. 

The  “peculiar  institution”  received  from  your  solid  South  tacit  but 
effective  moral  support,  and  with  us  in  Brazil,  in  the  same  way  as  among 
you,  although  not  in  the  same  degree,  it  derived  encouragement  from 
the  autonomy  of  the  states  or  provinces,  as  they  were  then  called.  In 
Brazil,  this  political  spirit  of  particularism  continued  to  exist  even  under 
a policy  of  centralization : it  was  favored  moreover,  by  the  great  differ- 
ence in  the  economic  conditions  of  the  provinces,  which  enabled  some  of 
them  to  free  their  small  number  of  slaves,  like  Ceara  and  Amazonas, 
while  others,  like  Sao  Paulo  and  Pernambuco,  clung  to  a state  of  things 
which  they  regarded  as  inseparable  from  their  prosperity. 

It  was  this  centralization  of  power  brought  about  by  the  monarchy 


52 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


which  enabled  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  Brazil  to  be  effected  without 
bloodshed  or  civil  strife,  for  it  may  be  said  that  a sectional  line  was  being 
established  in  the  country  between  the  provinces  which  had  slaves  and 
those  which  no  longer  had  them — although  it  did  not  offer  the  geometri- 
cal precision  of  the  line  drawn  between  your  North  and  South — and  that, 
there  as  here,  the  abolitionists  began  their  active  crusade  in  the  midst  of 
the  same  prejudices  and  rancors. 

The  correction,  or  rather,  the  result  of  Particularism  is  Federalism, 
a word  which  stands  out  large  in  the  political  lexicon  of  our  double  con- 
tinent. You  are  preeminently  the  country  of  Federalism — a country  of 
adoption  like  all  those  of  the  New  World — but  historical  probity  obliges 
me  to  state,  and  in  so  doing  I may  possibly  wound  your  vanity  (a  vanity 
which  would  be  entirely  justified),  that  Brazilian  Federalism  was  not,  as 
one  might  at  first  suppose,  through  a false  deduction  based  on  coinci- 
dence, an  application  of  the  principle  which  had  been  so  successful  in  the 
constitutional  organization  of  the  United  States. 

Federalism  in  Brazil  has  passed  through  many  phases  and  vicissi- 
tudes. In  1822  it  was  necessarily  and  advantageously  sacrificed  to  the 
national  unity,  but  in  1834  it  had  returned  with  sufficient  vitality  to  com- 
pel the  acceptance  of  the  Additional  Act  to  the  Imperial  Constitution  of 
1825,  an  Act  prepared  under  the  Regency  and  favoring  decentralization, 
and  which  in  1889  served  as  a model  for  the  organization  of  the  Republic. 
Yet  this  same  federal  principle  has  not  only  struck  its  roots  as  deep  as  a 
history  which  is  but  four  centuries  old  will  permit,  but  its  origin  is  to  be 
found  in  a past  still  more  remote.  For  we  must  never  forget  that  the  his- 
tory of  Latin  America  is  nothing  more  than  that  of  the  Iberian  Penin- 
sula transplanted  to  a new  scene  in  which  new  human  elements  take  part, 
and  one  must  seek  in  the  environment  and  traditions  of  Europe  for  the 
thread  of  its  institutions  and  of  its  ideals. 

Throughout  America,  however,  we  find  that  particularism  is  the  po- 
litical feature  of  the  last  century,  that  is,  of  the  century  immediately  fob 
lowing  independence,  in  striking  contrast  to  Europe,  where  the  policy 
of  nationalities,  with  its  necessary  corollary  of  unification,  has  been  the 
dominant  one  from  Napoleon’s  time  to  Bismarck’s.  In  South  America, 
Bolivar  was  unable  to  bring  together  in  a constitutional  whole  the  dif- 
ferent although  homogeneous  parts  of  the  Empire  which  had  been  severed 
by  historical  events  and  conflicting  aspirations.  He  was  obliged  to  sep- 
arate the  Audiencia  of  Charcas  and  raise  it  to  the  dignity  of  a nation 
under  his  own  name ; he  was  unable  to  maintain  the  Presidency  of  Quito 
either  as  a part  of  independent  Peru  or  of  Great  Colombia  which  he  had 


PARTICULARISM  AND  FEDERALISM 


53 


founded,  and  he  died  at  the  moment  when  Great  Colombia  again  definite- 
ly separated  into  Venezuela  and  New  Granada.  In  North  America  a 
gigantic  struggle  was  opened  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  States 
for  the  purpose  of  severing  the  Union  which  so  many  battle-fields  had 
cemented.  While  these  events  took  place  in  North  and  South  America, 
in  Europe  cruel  and  bloody  wars  were  being  waged  for  the  purpose  of 
reconstructing,  or  perhaps  it  would  be  more  accurate  to  say,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  constructing  the  unity  of  Italy,  Dante’s  cherished  dream,  and  the 
unity  of  Germany,  which  the  survival  of  German  feudalism  has  pre- 
vented up  to  our  time. 

In  the  New  World,  truly,  the  constitutional  ideal  lent  itself  to  var- 
ious interpretations.  I do  not  need  to  remind  you  here  in  the  United 
States  of  Jefferson  and  the  Republicans,  of  Calhoun  and  the  Democrats, 
of  Jefferson  Davis  and  the  Confederates.  Today  even  the  rights  of  the 
states  are  frequently  invoked  and  defended,  although  it  is  no  longer  de- 
sired to  convert  their  autonomy  into  independence.  In  Latin  America, 
we  see  that  the  centrifugal  movement  was  also  the  initial  one,  for  all  the 
genius  of  Bolivar  could  not  avail  to  prevent  its  spread  throughout  the 
former  colonies  of  Spain.  It  would  have  been  necessary  to  have  estab- 
lished a throne,  as  in  Brazil,  in  order  to  maintain  or  create  the  splendid 
unity  which  circumstances  of  language,  or  religion,  of  customs  and  of 
sentiments  favored,  but  which  was  opposed  by  circumstances,  no  less 
strong,  of  history,  geography  and  political  imagination. 

The  plan  of  Bolivar,  like  that  of  the  American  Federalists,  had  been 
to  place  the  power  of  the  compound  above  the  autonomy  of  the  parts,  to 
sacrifice  particularist  interests  to  the  interests  of  the  whole  which  was 
superior  to  them.  He  therefore  began  by  respecting  in  the  territorial 
demarcation  of  freed  Spanish  America,  the  principle  of  uti  possidetis 
juris,  which  was  the  only  reasonable  and  logical  foundation  he  could  give 
this  political  division,  and  even  so  it  did  not  become  exempt  from  diffi- 
culties and  conflicts  such  as  those  which  have  appeared  among  almost  all, 
if  not  all,  the  Latin  Republics  of  the  New  World. 

You  all  surely  remember  the  boundary  disputes  between  Chile  and 
Argentina,  which  were  settled  by  the  awards  of  the  King  of  England  and 
of  one  of  your  diplomats ; the  dispute  between  Argentina  and  Paraguay, 
which  was  decided  by  President  Hayes ; the  controversy  between  Bo- 
livia and  Peru  over  the  Acre  Territory,  acquired  by  Brazil,  which  was 
decided  by  the  President  of  Argentina ; the  dispute  between  Venezuela 
and  Colombia,  which  was  submitted  to  the  Queen  Regent  of  Spain ; and 
the  disputes  still  pending  between  Peru,  Colombia,  and  Ecuador,  not  to 
cite  others. 


54 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Bolivar’s  ultimate  conception,  which  rested  on  the  military  hegemony 
of  Colombia — a state  which  he  had  called  into  being — included,  as  a 
necessary  complement,  the  principle  of  arbitration  for  the  regulation  of 
differences  between  countries.  In  extolling  and  advocating  this  principle, 
he  left  the  narrow  sphere  of  patriotism — which  was  really  an  esprit  de 
clochcr  in  the  divided  Spanish  America — in  order  to  enter  the  higher 
sphere  of  international  harmony. 

Thus  was  formed  what  a Colombian  writer  has  justly  termed  the 
international  ideal  of  Bolivar,  founded  on  tradition  and  a safe  basis, 
therefore,  for  the  codification  of  public  law,  which  is  being  proposed  by 
the  governments  for  the  people  of  this  hemisphere.  And  this  noble  in- 
clination would  of  itself  be  enough  to  doom  to  oblivion  the  faults  of  this 
great  man  : — his  ambition  for  personal  and  autocratic  rule ; the  pretorian 
spirit  which  he  was  largely  responsible  for  infiltrating  into  the  Spanish- 
American  political  organism ; his  imperialism  disguised  under  the  cloak 
of  the  unity  of  the  race. 

As  it  often  happens,  however,  with  social  events,  the  results  in  this 
case  went  far  beyond  mere  personal  advantage,  the  work  of  the  Libera- 
tor becoming  truly  rich  in  fruits,  since  his  ardent  desire  for  the  prepon- 
derance of  Colombia  and  his  monocratic  tendencies  indirectly  assured, 
before  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  the  safety  of  the  independence  of  the  other 
Republics,  through  the  extension  of  the  military  activities  which  broke 
the  Spanish  resistance  beyond  their  original  orbit. 

We  shall  see,  too,  that  in  the  mind  of  Bolivar  the  thought  for  self 
was  never  unaccompanied  by  general  ideas  or  conceptions  of  public  order. 
But  we  must  first  examine  the  evolution,  in  America,  of  the  federative 
principle,  which  has  been  its  chief  political  characteristic.  As  early  as 
1815,  when  the  hero  of  Spanish  America  wandered,  an  exile,  though  not 
hopeless,  over  the  Antilles,  he  saw  in  Panama,  whose  Isthmus  you  are 
soon  going  to  open  to  the  world’s  commerce,  the  Corinth  of  the  new  Hel- 
lenic Confederation,  the  seat  of  a political  and  military  league  governed 
by  an  international  assembly  of  plenipotentiaries,  like  the  Achean  League 
of  Greece.  The  Macedonian  influence,  and  later  the  Roman,  against 
which  that  Confederation  was  warned,  finds  its  modern  counterpart  in 
the  influence  of  Europe,  against  whose  influence  it  was  Bolivar’s  idea  to 
oppose  the  American  political  body  “with  an  aspect  of  majesty  and  gran- 
deur,” as  he  said,  “unparalleled  among  the  ancient  nations.” 


LECTURE  III. 


Origin  of  the  federative  principle. — Local  government  and  administrative  centrali- 
zation in  Portuguese  and  Spanish  America  : their  different  aspects. — Lack  of  uni- 
formity in  colonial  legislation. — Viceroys  and  Audiencias. — Union  through  con- 
federation in  the  three  Americas. — Schemes  of  American  royalties : Aranda,  Pitt 
and  Chateaubriand. — The  monarchical  idea  in  Latin  America  and  its  moral  effect. — 
The  first  Monroe  Doctrine. — Franco-British  rivalries  in  the  course  of  the  eigh- 
teenth and  nineteenth  centuries. — Napoleon  and  the  British  interests  in  the  New 
World. — Monarchical  possibilities  in  Buenos  Aires,  Mexico,  and  Colombia. — Pitiable 
role  of  Ferdinand  VII. — Iturbide,  Bolivar,  and  San  Martin. — European  or  creole 
dynasties. — Historical  function  of  the  Brazilian  Empire. — The  moderate  minds  in 
the  colonies  and  liberal  ideas  in  Spain. — Precedents  for  the  idea  of  separation. — 
The  traditional  discontent,  the  genesis  of  the  patriotic  instinct,  and  the  personal  tie 
between  the  sovereign  and  his  possessions  in  America. 

WE  have  now  to  examine  the  precedents  for  federation,  to  dis- 
cover the  genesis  of  the  idea  of  particularism,  to  search  for  the 
earliest  traditions  of  local  government,  whether  established 
under  the  influence  of  the  metropolis,  or  due  to  the  spontaneous  action 
of  the  elements  transplanted  from  Europe  to  a different  environment. 

Of  the  two  Iberian  kingdoms  Portugal  alone,  with  the  design  of  a 
speedier  occupation  and  a surer  defense  of  the  new  dominion  beyond 
the  sea,  restored,  in  Brazil,  the  old  and  already  abolished  feudal  system. 
The  South  American  colony  was  divided  into  feudal  captaincies,  and  dis- 
tributed, in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  among  a few  lords  of 
the  court  and  some  high  officials,  to  whom  as  donataries  the  king  granted 
the  most  extensive  powers,  reserving  only  for  himself  the  rights  of  su- 
zerain; for  instance,  the  supreme  bestowal  of  justice  in  certain  cases, 
and  the  collection  of  taxes. 

Though  the  inefficiency  of  such  a constitutional  system  was  soon 
recognized  and  its  anachronism  was  patent,  the  fundamental  principle 
remained  more  or  less  operative  during  the  colonial  epoch ; it  did  not 
even  disappear  after  the  establishment  of  Independence  and  continues 
to  act  as  a political  pendulum.  It  was  true  that  the  centralization  at- 
tempted in  the  colony  a short  time  after  that  essay  of  territorial  parti- 
tion, was  so  to  speak  illusory,  although  Spain  strengthened  it  at  the  time 
of  her  union  with  Portugal. 


56 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


During  this  union  of  the  Iberian  kingdoms  the  Spanish  government, 
always  in  favor  of  a policy  of  centralization,  dared  to  deprive  the  local 
chiefs — the  governors  we  may  say,  as  in  1580  there  were  almost  no  do- 
nataries  left  in  Brazil — of  their  judicial  attributes.  Centralization  con- 
tinued however  to  prove  illusory,  because  the  captain-generals  were  in 
fact  independent  of  the  governor-general,  who  was  invested  later  on  with 
the  title  of  viceroy. 

The  German  professor  Handelmann  [1],  who  keeps  his  place  as 
our  best  foreign  historian — less  dramatic  and  attractive  than  Southey 
[2],  but  never  surpassed  in  interesting  documentation  and  philosophical 
insight — admirably  pointed  out  this  characteristic  of  Brazilian  evolution. 
Besides,  the  unifying  work  of  Spain,  followed  out  as  it  was  in  a more 
vigorous  and  effective  way,  was  abruptly  checked  by  the  Dutch  war, 
which  caused  Portugal  the  temporary  loss  of  the  enormous  territory  from 
the  Sao  Francisco  river  up  to  the  Amazon,  one-half,  perhaps,  of  the  Bra- 
zils then  explored.  After  the  reestablishment  of  Portuguese  authority 
and  the  recovery  of  the  whole  of  her  American  colonies,  the  Lisbon  gov- 
ernment did  not  continue  the  centralizing  policy  pursued  by  Spain,  either 
through  lack  of  energy,  or  owing  to  doubt  as  to  the  efficacy  of  the  Span- 
ish system.  Each  captaincy  remained  an  administrative  unit,  directly  and 
individually  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  metropolis,  without  any  interven- 
tion from  the  royal  representative,  although  his  nominal  power  extended 
over  the  whole  of  the  possessions  of  the  New  World.  Each  of  these  cap- 
taincies lived  its  own  life,  more  or  less  as  independent  of  its  neighbors, 
very  much  as  did  the  English  colonies  of  North  America.1 

Portugal  was  so  much  more  in  a position  to  restore  feudalism  in 
America  and  then  to  create  amongst  her  possessions  an  organic  particular- 
ism, owing  to  the  fact  that  she  had  rapidly  attained  a remarkable  degree 
of  political  and  social  cohesion.  In  the  mother  country  the  provinces 
were  mere  administrative  divisions,  only  differentiated  by  the  picturesque 
costumes  of  the  people.  This  result  had  immediately  followed  the  con- 
quest of  the  land  over  the  Moors  and  the  superposition  of  the  King, 
helped  by  the  commons,  over  the  nobility  which  in  other  countries  had 
been  so  much  opposed  to  the  work  of  national  unification. 

In  Spain  the  process  of  national  growth  was  somewhat  different.  Her 

1 This  point  is  admirably  discussed  by  M.  Charles  de  Lannoy,  a professor  in 
the  University  of  Ghent,  in  p.  94  of  the  work  written  in  collaboration  with  M.  Her- 
man Vander  Linden  entitled  “Histoire  de  l’Expansion  coloniale  des  Peuples  euro- 
peens.”  (Bruxelles,  1907.)  The  first  section  of  this  work  deals  with  the  colonies 
of  Portugal,  the  latter  with  those  of  Spain. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATIVE  CENTRALIZATION  57 


territorial  integration  took  place  but  late2 — on  the  eve,  we  may  say,  of 
her  maritime  expansion — and  even  so  it  proved  incomplete  and  precarious, 
as  such  unification  consisted  chiefly  in  the  union  of  two  royal  houses,  the 
Castilian  and  the  Aragonese.  Each  group  of  states  maintained  their 
peculiar  institutions  within  their  respective  boundaries,  and  their  inhabit- 
ants, as  well,  preserved  marked  differences  of  character  and  civilization — 
differences  which  may  also  be  accounted  for  in  part  by  the  disparity  of 
geographical  conditions.  This  is  why  federalism  in  Spain  today  is  so  log- 
ical and  legitimate  an  expression  of  public  aspirations,  and  why  Pi  y Mar- 
gall’s  book  [3]  became  the  Gospel  of  those  who,  in  his  country  or  else- 
where, think  decentralization  to  be,  especially  when  resting  on  traditions, 
the  ideal  form  of  government. 

This  typically  Spanish  ideal  of  government  was  not  without  influence 
on  the  organization  of  Brazil  during  the  union  of  Spain  and  Portugal. 
For  instance,  the  system  of  vice-royalties  with  captaincies  gravitating 
about  them  found  a counterpart  in  the  division  of  Brazil  into  two  or 
three  great  states  in  opposition  to  the  more  plainly  centralizing  tendency 
in  the  Lisbon  government.3 

This  theoretical  centralization  in  Brazil  did  not  affect,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  extreme  particularism  which  in  practice  served  as  a counterpoise 
or  a corrective,  exactly  as,  in  matters  of  legislation,  the  lack  of  laws  and 
general  rules  forming  a definite  plan  of  administration,  was  supplied  by  a 
multitude  of  special  decrees  and  royal  orders,  which  together  formed  the 
colonial  corpus  juris.  We  find  on  the  subject  in  the  work  of  the  Belgian 
scholars,  Lannoy  and  Van  der  Linden,  a very  happy  passage  based  on  the 
writings  of  an  exceedingly  able  Portuguese  author  of  administrative  law, 
Coelho  da  Rocha  [4].  This  passage  finds,  moreover,  a remote  but  not 
less  valuable  confirmation  through  the  testimony  of  a book  contemporane- 
ous with  the  most  brilliant  period  of  Portuguese  colonial  expansion.  This 
book  is  called  The  Practical  Soldier,  and  is  the  work  of  Diego  do  Conto, 
the  historian  [5].  The  Belgian  author’s  page  is  the  following: 

“The  institutions  in  the  Portuguese  colonies  were  mostly  copied  from 
those  of  the  metropolis,  without  being,  however,  adapted  to  their  new 
destination.  Administrative  organization  never  proceeded  according  to  a 
uniform  plan : it  was  determined  by  the  march  of  events.  The  duties  of 

‘This  fact  is  clearly  brought  out  by  H.  Van  der  Linden,  op.  cit.  p.  253  et  seq. 

3 It  was  only  later  on  that  Portugal  saw  fit  to  sever  Para-Maranhao  from  Bra- 
zil proper,  and  in  this  case  a number  of  special  reasons  were  operative,  e.  g.,  the 
vastness  of  the  dominion  conquered,  the  distance  of  these  regions  from  the  seat  of 
the  central  authority,  and  finally  the  difficulties  of  navigation  along  the  northern 
coast  in  a southern  direction. 


58 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


the  many  officials,  their  hierarchy  and  relations  of  service,  were  not  stipu- 
lated by  laws  or  general  rules,  but  by  a mass  of  special  decrees,  some 
appointing  functionaries  for  the  places,  others  dealing  with  the  solution 
of  a transitory  difficulty  or  the  suppression  of  some  abuse.  Often  the  ad- 
justment of  the  different  pieces  of  the  administrative  machinery  worked  of 
itself,  as  a result  of  habit  or  routine,  sometimes  in  accordance  with  the 
designs  of  the  central  government,  other  times  against  them. 

“If  the  Portuguese  Kings  since  the  reign  of  John  II  (1481-95) 
had  their  lawyers  who  gave  to  the  laws  of  the  Kingdom  the  interpretation 
most  suitable  to  the  interests  of  the  crown,  the  colonial  governors  also 
had  their  own  legal  authorities,  who  furnished  the  texts  with  the  meaning 
most  favorable  to  the  power  of  the  chiefs  who  respectively  employed 
them.  It  certainly  is  not  an  easy  task  to  describe  this  administrative  ma- 
chinery, even  when  one  knows  the  text  of  the  laws  and  decrees  which 
have  organized  it,  which  is  not  always  the  case ; but  it  is  still  more  diffi- 
cult to  explain  their  real  working.  It  is  frequently  impossible  to  distin- 
guish with  certainty  the  laws  that  were  applied  from  those  which  were 
not  applied,  or  which  were  not  applied  as  they  ought  to  have  been,  and  it 
is  not  without  difficulty  that  we  are  enabled  to  define  with  precision  the 
duties  of  the  several  authorities”  [6], 

These  comments  remind  me  of  what  was  already  said  of  us  Ibero- 
Latin  people,  that  we  were  in  need  of  but  one  law — one  which  should  pu: 
into  execution  all  the  existing  ones.  Such  opinion  appears  naturally  exag- 
gerated in  its  gratuitous  generalization,  but  if  it  be  true  that  the  applica- 
tion amongst  us  has  not  always  corresponded  to  the  intention ; I mean,  if 
often  the  ideal  was  not  exactly  followed  in  practice,  we  must  bear  in  mind 
that  the  continuous  effort  towards  a same  direction  finally  reaches  the  end 
and  accomplishes  the  desideratum  as  it  was  formulated.  This  is  just  the 
spectacle  which  Spanish-Portuguese  America  is  affording,  with  her  eyes 
turned  towards  a high  and  conspicuous  mission  in  the  history  of  mankind. 

In  such  an  earnest  desire  Latin  America  is  helped  by  tradition,  and 
you  have  already  seen  how  much  tradition  is  contained  in  our  past.  Con- 
fining ourselves,  however,  to  the  special  subject  of  today’s  lecture,  we 
must  own  that  Spain  was  more  coherent  than  Portugal  in  her  constitu- 
tional orientation,  for  while  she  had  her  immense  colonial  empire  divided 
into  several  administrative  groups,  separated  and  isolated,  she  allowed 
the  tree  of  municipal  freedom  to  grow  and  receive  better  care.  On  the 
contrary,  in  the  Portuguese  possessions,  especially  in  Brazil,  such  liberties 
were  occasionally  assailed  and  destroyed. 

This  greater  predilection  for  municipal  freedom  was  but  natural  in 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  AND  ADMINISTRATIVE  CENTRALIZATION  59 


the  classic  land  of  the  fueros,  although,  as  we  have  seen,  when  the  munici- 
pal institution — an  atavic  expression  of  the  Roman  moral  inheritance,  pe- 
culiar to  Iberian  political  life  in  the  period  immediately  following  the 
Christian  reconquest  of  the  Peninsula — was  transported  to  the  New 
World,  the  kingdoms  organized  in  the  Old  World  were  already  under- 
going the  crisis  of  centralization  which  was  to  go  on  increasing  up  to  the 
storm  of  the  French  Revolution. 

As  a result,  nevertheless,  of  colonial  conditions,  chief  among  which 
was  that  of  distance  from  the  metropolis,  a system  of  checks  and  balances 
had  to  be  formed,  the  key  of  which  was  represented  by  the  division  of 
powers,  as  was  the  case  long  afterwards  with  your  wise  constitution.  So, 
the  Spanish  viceroys,  direct  and  not  always  scrupulous  representatives  of 
the  royal  power — I do  not  mean  that  some  of  those  viceroys  did  not  greatly 
distinguish  themselves  by  their  spirit  of  equity  and  progress — could  see 
standing  before  their  thrones,  as  a counterpoise  to  their  authority,  the 
royal  audiencias  [7].  These  august  bodies  joined  to  their  judicial  attribu- 
tions a political  character,  since  they  exercised  a supervision  over  the 
behavior  of  the  Executive.  Hence  these  courts  assumed  in  a certain  way 
the  role  normally  played  by  the  legislative  branch  of  the  government  in 
those  societies  possessing  self-government.  Or  looked  at  from  another 
standpoint  the  audiencias  contained  in  germ  the  function  of  the  supreme 
court  as  it  exists  in  your  own  country. 

The  tree,  once  transplanted,  spread  its  roots  in  the  soil  of  the  three 
Americas.  I do  not  refer  to  North,  Central,  and  South  America,  but  to 
English,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  America.  Federative  union  was  the 
capital  work  of  your  first  statesmen.  The  Brazilian  Empire  also  sketched 
it,  after  having,  by  an  effort  of  centralization,  contrary  to  historical  tradi- 
tions, saved  the  political  unity  of  a country  homogeneous  through  its  race 
and  its  culture.  It  was  finally  a federative  union  that  the  city  of  Caracas 
proposed  to  the  other  Colombian  towns  when  it  proclaimed  its  municipal 
autonomy  in  1810,  a year  before  the  declaration  of  the  independence  of 
the  country. 

Such  union,  converted  into  a great  American  confederation,  was  the 
solution  pointed  out  since  1790  by  the  precursor  Miranda  and  reiterated 
in  1809  by  the  Cabildos  of  Buenos  Ayres  and  Caracas  as  the  best  way  to 
oppose  Napoleon’s  policy  of  universal  absorption.  You  well  know  that 
the  execution  of  such  a policy  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula  gave  the  signal  for 
the  Spanish-American  rebellion  and  was  the  starting  point  of  the  move- 
ment for  the  organization  of  the  neo-Spanish  nationalities  of  the  New 
World. 


6o 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


We  find  a last  trace  of  the  Spanish  administrative  system  by  groups 
in  de  Aranda’s  [8]  famous  plan,  the  farthest-reaching  one  that  was  ever 
conceived  by  an  European  statesman  regarding  transatlantic  colonies.  Ac- 
cording to  this  plan,  which  anticipated  and  surpassed  modern  British  con- 
ception on  relations  between  metropolis  and  colonies,  Cuba,  Porto-Rico, 
and  a portion  of  South  America  to  be  determined  later,  were  to  remain 
under  the  immediate  rule  of  the  Spanish  crown  as  possessions  enjoying 
a limited  autonomy,  something  like  Jamaica  or  Guiana  of  today.  All  of 
the  remaining  Spanish-American  colonies  were  to  be  divided  into  three 
large  kingdoms  or  dominions — New  Spain  (Mexico),  Terrafirma  (New 
Granada),  and  Peru,  which  were  to  be  granted  to  Spanish  Infantes.  The 
independence  of  these  new  kingdoms  was  to  be  conditioned  only  by  the 
recognition  of  the  Spanish  King  or  Emperor,  as  suzerain,  and  the  prom- 
ise on  the  part  of  the  Infantes  to  wed  in  the  future  only  Spanish  prin- 
cesses. 

The  elder  Pitt  conceived  a somewhat  similar  plan,  when,  in  1762,  he 
was  led  to  realize,  on  your  refusal  to  join  the  British  efforts  in  the  war 
against  France,  that  the  hour  for  the  emancipation  of  the  English  colo- 
nies in  America  was  close  at  hand.  In  order  to  avoids  complete  separa- 
tion the  great  statesman  conceived  a sort  of  trans-Atlantic  confederation. 
Canada,  then  conquered,  would  form  the  apanage  of  an  English  prince  as 
an  independent  monarchy,  while  the  remaining  British  possessions  would 
be  transformed  into  kingdoms,  parts  of  a great  Anglo-American  league. 

The  motives  which  led  Count  de  Aranda  to  advance  his  famous  pro- 
posal of  1783  are  well  known.  He  desired  to  solve  permanently  the  prob- 
lem of  the  future  relations  between  a metropolis  which  was  losing  in  au- 
thority, and  colonies  which  were  gaining  in  strength,  because  he  foresaw 
the  puissance  of  your  country,  and  desired  to  protect  Spanish  America 
from  an  absorption  that  seemed  to  him  otherwise  unavoidable.  You  will 
recall  that  this  project  was  launched  just  at  the  conclusion  of  your  Revolu- 
tionary War,  in  which  France  and  Spain  had  been  your  allies  against  Eng- 
land. It  is  significant  that  on  this  occasion  the  minister  of  Charles  III 
prophesied  that  Florida — just  recovered  to  Spain  from  England — as  well 
as  New  Spain  or  Mexico,  would  eventually  be  annexed  by  the  United 
States. 

The  Spanish  statesman  was  convinced  that  the  United  States  would 
in  the  end  dominate  the  great  American  empire  at  their  door  and  he  used 
to  say  that  it  would  become  impossible  for  Spain  to  avoid  such  an  eventu- 
ality, as  she  could  not  think  of  opposing  a powerful  nation  established  on 
the  same  continent.  We  may  say  he  guessed  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  its 


SCHEMES  OF  AMERICAN  ROYALTIES 


6l 


second  meaning  at  least,  as  in  the  first  it  did  not  include  any  alliance  with 
Latin  American  possessions  revolted  against  their  metropolis.  Thus,  Jef- 
ferson, when  living  in  France  as  minister,  in  1787,  dampened  the  juvenile 
enthusiasm  of  the  Brazilian  student  Maia, who, speaking  on  behalf  of  some 
vague,  faraway  conspirators,  insisted  on  some  help  from  the  United  States 
in  favor  of  the  liberty  of  his  fatherland ; and  Monroe,  as  Secretary  of 
State,  pointed  out  that  the  obligations  of  neutrality  would  not  permit  any 
interference  in  the  struggle  between  Spain  and  her  revolted  colonies  [9] . 

Such,  however,  was  not  the  attitude  of  France.  Napoleon  not  only 
evinced  an  active  interest  in  the  political  emancipation  of  Spanish  Amer- 
ica but  even  decided  to  lend  active  support  to  the  revolutionists.  And  it 
was  only  the  fall  of  the  Empire,  the  agony  of  which  began  precisely  in 
1812  with  the  failure  of  the  Russian  campaign,  which  prevented  a French 
contingent  from  associating  with  the  Colombian  troops  in  the  Wars  of 
Independence.  It  would  have  been  a curious  sight,  that  of  English  and 
French  soldiers  fighting  under  the  same  flag  in  the  New  World — the  part 
taken  by  the  British  Legion  in  the  decisive  Battle  of  Carabobo  [10]  is 
well  known — when  in  Europe  both  countries  were  such  bitter  foes. 

Like  Napoleon’s  intervention  in  the  Spanish  American  Wars  of  Inde- 
pendence, the  American  monarchies  fancied  by  Aranda  never  passed  be- 
yond the  stage  of  a mere  project.  And  yet  it  cannot  be  gainsaid  that  the 
establishment  of  these  trans-Atlantic  kingdoms,  with  their  promise  of 
peace  and  stability,  was  sincerely  desired  by  not  a few  of  those  who  sub- 
sequently became  partisans  of  complete  independence.  That  the  timely 
foundation  of  such  monarchies  would  have  spared  the  former  colonies  of 
Spain  much  disorder  and  anarchy  may  be  inferred  from  a study  of  the 
political  evolution  of  Portuguese  America.  Imperial  Brazil  was  indeed  a 
model  of  order  with  progress,  as  soon  as  the  country  adjusted  itself  to  the 
political  mould  which  the  federalist  democrats  had  accepted  as  a tempo- 
rary resource,  and  tried  to  destroy  immediately  after  the  separation  from 
the  mother  country — an  enterprise  in  which  they  were  in  the  end  unsuc- 
cessful [ 1 1 ] . 

The  indirect  influence  of  the  United  States  upon  the  growing  nation- 
alities of  Latin  America  clearly  appears  at  this  point.  If  the  only  existing 
autonomous  government  in  the  New  World  has  assumed  a republican 
form,  corresponding  to  the  model  preached  by  ethnologists  and  doctrin- 
aires and  by  the  exalted  partisans  of  action,  it  was  but  natural  to  see  its 
example  followed  by  the  other  nations  of  the  continent,  once  the  colonial 
dependence  became  a thing  of  the  past.  Brazil  was  not  then  in  a position 
to  exert  a contrary  influence.  Her  civil  pacification  was  far  from  being 
a reality,  and  the  beginning  of  the  Empire  was  but  the  transfer  of  the 


62 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


seat  of  a monarchy  from  an  European  Kingdom  to  an  American  possession, 
in  consequence  of  a number  of  very  special  circumstances.  Yet  the  mon- 
archical idea,  reenforced  and  strengthened  by  its  realization  in  Brazil — 
the  best  argument  in  favor  of  our  Empire  was  the  preservation  intact  of 
its  imposing  territorial  extension — exerted  a larger  influence  than  is  gen- 
erally believed.  A forerunner  in  a new  and  attractive  field  of  historical 
investigation,  the  Venezuelan  scholar  Senor  Carlos  Villanueva,  has  re- 
cently published  in  Paris,  on  the  subject  of  monarchical  influence  in 
America,  a series  of  interesting  books  based  on  diplomatic  papers  found 
in  European  archives.  The  first  two  have  respectively  the  titles  of  “Bol- 
ivar and  San  Martin”  and  “Ferdinand  VII  and  the  new  States,”  and  they 
are  both  published  under  the  general  title  of  “Monarchy  in  America”  [12]. 

The  subject  is  a vast  one  even  when  we  consider  only  the  period  of 
the  Wars  of  Independence  with  its  spontaneous  attempts  to  establish 
royalties  in  the  New  World.  Such  a survey  would  of  course  exclude  the 
well  known  episode  of  Maximilian’s  empire,  an  event  which  must  be 
considered  rather  as  the  result  of  a foreign  imposition,  or  at  least  an  at- 
tempt to  apply  to  conditions  in  America  a purely  European  political  expe- 
dient. We  may,  however,  be  sure  that  Napoeon  III  would  never  have 
conceived  the  design  of  the  empire  of  1864,  if  he  had  not  listened  to  the 
entreaties  of  the  conservative  and  clerical  elements  in  Mexico,  alarmed  at 
the  bloody  and  sordid  anarchy  which  masqueraded  under  the  name  of  a 
republic. 

The  influence  which  the  monarchical  idea  exerted  in  Spanish  America 
in  the  second  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  seen  in  the  anomalous 
situation  which  had  developed  in  what  is  now  the  Argentine  Republic. 
The  Buenos  Aires  revolutionists,  even  the  members  of  the  Tucuman  Con- 
gress had  already  considered  the  monarchical  solution  at  the  best  calcu- 
lated to  spare  the  country  the  indiscipline  of  passions  and  the  horrors  of 
civil  war.  If  a Spanish  Infante,  if  Dona  Carlota  Joaquina,  Princess  Re- 
gent living  then  in  Rio  de  Janeiro,  had  appeared  at  the  Rio  de  la  Plata, 
an  acclamation  would  have  been  the  immediate  consequence  and  a delirium 
of  enthusiasm  would  have  followed. 

In  Venezuela,  the  other  Spanish-American  focus  of  irradiation  of  the 
feeling  of  Independence,  aristocratic  ideas  prevailed  against  the  monarch- 
ical ones,  not  because  the  republican  form  of  government  constituted  the 
definite  aspiration  of  an  ignorant  population,  or  even  the  ideal  of  the  ma- 
jority of  the  assembly  which  represented  colonial  intellectuality,  but — 
simply  because  there  was  nobody  to  whom  the  crown  might  be  offered.4 

4 This  idea  is  admirably  brought  out  by  Senor  Villanueva  in  his  work  La 
Monarquia  en  America,  t.  II,  primera  parte,  passim. 


THE  FIRST  MONROE  DOCTRINE 


63 


As  candidates  for  Spanish  American  thrones,  Spanish  Infantes 
counted  indeed  in  their  behalf  considerations  of  race,  customs,  religion  and 
affinities.  Their  political  opportunity,  however,  had  vanished,  and  such 
happy  and  logical  conclusion  of  the  political  crises  opened  for  the  Spanish 
New  World  had  ceased  to  be  possible  since  a Bonaparte  had  taken  the 
place  of  the  legitimate  sovereign  on  the  throne  of  the  metropolis.  Such 
usurpation  had  shaken  to  its  foundations  the  prestige  of  the  royal  Cas- 
tilian house  in  the  eyes  of  populations  whose  dynastic  loyalty  partook  very 
much  of  the  nature  of  hothouse  plants. 

There  were  even  to  be  found  monarchical  enthusiasts  who  later 
broached  the  chimerical  project  of  placing  this  same  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
the  ex-king  of  Spain,  at  the  head  of  a Mexican  monarchy  similar  to  that 
of  Iturbide,  or  even  ruler  over  a kingdom  embracing  the  Rio  de  la  Plata 
region.  Obviously  nothing  could  come  of  such  fantastic  plans.  To 
understand  how  they  could  ever  have  been  entertained  we  must  bear  in 
mind  that,  after  Napoleon’s  fall,  Joseph  Bonaparte  had  come  to  live  in 
the  United  States  as  a private  citizen  under  the  name  of  Count  de  Sur- 
villiers.  The  above-mentioned  Venezuelan  historian  refers  to  such  pro- 
jects, which  were  a result  of  Bonapartist  dreams,  having  as  sole  basis  of 
reality  the  evasion  of  Napoleon  from  St.  Helena.  All  these  plans  were 
foredoomed  to  failure,  since  England  was  mistress  of  the  seas,  and  had 
therefore  their  execution  at  her  mercy.  England  was  even  opposed  to 
any  scheme  looking  to  the  foundation  of  national,  I mean,  traditional  dy- 
nasties in  the  old  Spanish  colonies,  and  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons 
did  not  alter  her  views  on  the  matter,  as  she  was  more  pleased  to  deal  with 
republics  watched  by  her  cabinets  and  protected  by  her  fleets,  than  with 
monarchies  allied  to  royal  houses  in  Europe.  A single  exception  was 
made  in  the  case  of  the  House  of  Braganza,  on  account  of  the  Anglo- 
Portuguese  alliance,  a true  protectorate  of  the  stronger  nation  over  the 
weaker  one. 

The  British  government  of  the  time  had  established  on  her  own  be- 
half a kind  of'  Monroe  doctrine  in  reference  to  Latin  America.  England 
was  the  necessary  intermediary  between  Portugal  and  Brazil  and  she  was 
also  the  political  godmother  of  the  new  Spanish-American  republics. 
Mention  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  the  more  suitable  on  this  occasion  as 
it  was  particularly  inspired  in  Washington  at  that  time  by  Canning — the 
same  Canning  whose  ambition  was  the  tutorship  of  a New  World,  which 
he  so  proudly  proclaimed  to  have  called  to  an  international  existence  in 
order  to  reestablish  the  balance  of  the  Old.  His  best  justification  was 
that,  after  Napoleon’s  fall  and  Europe’s  pacification,  Independent  America 


64 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


had  found  in  London  her  most  valuable  if  not  her  only  support  against 
the  Holy  Alliance,  formed  with  reactionary  designs  and  hostile  to  the 
British  liberal  feeling. 

It  is  an  undeniable  historical  truth  that  the  emancipation  of  Latin 
America  was  performed  without  any  positive  help  from  the  United 
States : platonic  sympathy  or  love  is  not,  unfortunately,  enough  in  such 
cases,  and  I even  venture  to  say,  in  any  case.  On  the  contrary,  England’s 
support  assumed  a material  shape : it  was  not  precisely  represented  by 
troops — although  some  distinguished  British  officers,  as  Admiral  Coch- 
rane [13]  and  General  Miller  [14],  were  to  be  found  in  the  revolutionary 
ranks,  where  no  American  commander  was  ever  seen — but  consisted  in 
diplomatic,  financial,  and  even  military  and  naval  facilities. 

I am  very  well  aware  that  the  United  States  was  not  then  the  great 
power  of  our  present  time,  and  that  she  had  just  been  again  at  war  with 
her  old  metropolis,  and  could  not  but  hesitate  to  defy  absolutist  Europe 
by  extending  tangible  protection  to  Spanish  America  before  reaching  a 
diplomatic  understanding  with  England.  On  the  other  side,  I do  not 
mean  to  say  that  the  proceedings  of  the  British  government  were  dic- 
tated by  reasons  of  pure  social  altruism,  of  mere  international  philan- 
thropy— where  would  you  find  such  principles  flourishing  in  political  en- 
vironments ? — but  the  truth  is  that  things  happened  that  way. 

Rivalry  between  France  and  England  fills  up  many  centuries  of  mod- 
ern European  history — not  to  speak  of  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages — 
and  British  devotion  to  Spanish  American  rebels  corresponds  in  a certain 
sense  to  one  more  feature  of  that  rivalry.  The  war  of  Spanish  Succes- 
sion, provoked  by  the  ascension  of  Louis  XVIII’s  grandson  to  the  throne 
wherefrom  the  shadow  of  the  last  king  of  the  Austrian  dynasty  had  van- 
ished, has  already  been  justly  called  by  historical  writers  an  economic 
war,  and  it  is  certain  that,  when  associating  her  arms  to  Archduke 
Charles’  fortune,  England  specially  aimed  at  preventing  the  economic, 
much  more  than  the  political  union  of  those  two  nations,  divided  until 
then  by  the  Pyrenees,  and  now'  destined  to  be  both  ruled  by  princes  of  the 
Bourbon  house. 

The  French  colonial  empire  had  not  yet  experienced  the  enormous 
losses  of  India,  Canada,  and  Louisiana,  and  for  England  it  was  of  vital 
moment  to  oppose  naval  French  supremacy  both  in  the  Atlantic  and  the 
Pacific  and  above  all  in  the  Mediterranean — a supremacy  which  would  be, 
even  under  an  exclusive  form,  the  sure  sequel  of  an  intimate  alliance 
with  Spain.  Soon  after,  however,  at  the  peace  of  Utrecht  which  followed 
the  war  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  Spain  had  to  renounce  her  ambition 


FRANCO-BRITISH  RIVALRY 


65 


to  be  any  longer  a maritime  power  in  the  Mediterranean,  as  she  was  com- 
pelled to  surrender  to  England  Gibraltar  and  Minorca.  France,  however, 
continued  under  a spell  of  colonial  prosperity,  for  she  did  not  have  to 
abandon  Canada  or  India  before  1763,  and  Louisiana,  ceded  to  Spain  in 
1762,  was  again  in  the  possession  of  France  from  1800  to  1804. 

The  names  of  Lafayette  and  Rochambeau  will  recall  to  you  the  sup- 
port France  gave  to  your  Independence  in  revenge  for  the  mutilations 
she  suffered  in  her  over-sea  possessions  through  the  loss  of  Canada  and 
India.  And  it  is  a well  known  fact  that  Napoleon  did  not  alienate  to  Jef- 
ferson a large  part  of  your  present  West  before  trying,  in  Egypt  and 
Syria,  on  the  Mississippi  and  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  to  rebuild  the  former 
French  colonial  empire,  causing  the  hated  British  supremacy  to  bleed  to 
death  on  the  faraway  oceans  as  well  as  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  Tra- 
falgar destroyed  such  hopes,  but  the  British  government  stood  neverthe- 
less on  her  guard,  and  did  not  conceal  her  fear  of  the  revival  of  her  co- 
lonial rival,  when  a Napoleon  took  in  Madrid,  the  place  of  the  Bourbons. 

So  the  support  of  England,  indirect,  if  you  wish,  but  nevertheless 
important,  brought  in  such  emergency  to  Spanish  America,  had  a double 
aspect.5  In  so  far  as  it  was  dictated  by  a fear  of  France  this  support  was 
political  in  character,  as  it  was  designed  to  check  the  plans  of  Napoleon 
and  anticipate  possible  French  expansion  in  the  New  World.  As  regards 
Spain,  the  aid  accorded  the  struggling  colonies  was  due  primarily  to  eco- 
nomic motives,  or  it  was  the  desire  of  England  to  convert  into  legal  traf- 
fic with  the  new  states  the  smuggling  which  for  a long  time  had  taken 
place  to  the  detriment  of  the  old  metropolis.  It  is  significant  that  com- 
merce even  used  to  increase  after  each  of  the  wars  that  both  nations  sus- 
tained during  the  eighteenth  century  and  through  which  the  power  of 
the  Spanish  imperial  mantle  was  gradually  wearing  out.  , 

We  must  acknowledge  that  you  did  not  have  in  the  United  States 
the  same  reasons  as  did  England  and  France  for  granting  us  your  help. 
Let  us  hasten  to  add  that  the  new  American  States,  on  their  part,  did  not 
neglect  the  economic  opportunities  suddenly  opened  to  them  as  a result 
of  the  new  relations  with  Europe  created  by  the  Wars  of  Independence. 
The  distinguished  Colombian  author  Perez  Triana  says  in  the  last  vol- 
ume of  the  Cambridge  Modern  History  that  Latin  America’s  official  debt 
to  Europe — I mean  the  loans  guaranteed  by  the  governments  of  the  re- 
spective countries,  amounts  to  five  hundred  millions  sterling,  and  that  the 

8 Portuguese  America  need  not  be  considered  in  this  connection,  as  Portugal 
was  at  this  time  under  the  complete  control  of  England. 


66 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


double  of  this  sum  must  be  reckoned  for  the  capital  invested  in  private 
affairs — mines,  agricultural  experiments,  industries,  shipping  companies, 
banks  and  so  forth. 

Considering  such  an  intimacy  of  interests  between  Latin  America 
and  England  and  the  consequent  harmony  of  views,  it  seems  natural  that 
a monarchical  feeling,  derived  from  British  constitutionalism,  might  have 
permeated  the  first  essays  of  autonomous  organization  of  Latin  America, 
in  opposition  to  your  republican  suggestion.  Its  action  was  in  fact  per- 
ceptible, the  more  so  as  England  had  been  a constant  model  for  the  parti- 
sans of  monarchy.  Yet  this  influence  was  neutralized  by  the  efforts  of  a 
few  leaders  who  had  rather  shown  a decided  taste  for  democracy.  The 
minds  of  these  republican  enthusiasts  were  inspired  by  French  philosophy 
and  still  more  by  all  the  events  which  since  1787  had  been  occurring  in 
Europe  with  striking  rapidity. 

The  same  thing  was,  in  fine,  happening  in  the  New  World  as  in  the 
Old : both  here  and  there  the  two  tendencies,  the  aristocratic  and  the 
democratic,  the  monarchical  and  the  republican,  stood  face  to  face. 
Hence  the  same  time  that  in  Mexico  the  King  of  Spain  himself  was  pro- 
claimed Emperor  and  for  want  of  an  Infante  who  m^ght  be  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  autonomous  Kingdom  of  New  Spain,  her  government  as- 
sumed the  form  of  Iturbide’s  military  and  spurious  monarchy,  a similar 
constitutional  crisis  developed  in  the  extreme  South  of  the  Southern  con- 
tinent. 

The  erection  of  a throne  on  the  territory  of  La  Plata  engaged,  after 
1815,  the  best  activity  of  Argentine  diplomacy,  as  it  has  already  been  the 
greatest  preoccupation  of  the  men  who  in  1810  had  undertaken  the  re- 
sponsibilities of  independent  government.  The  romantic  tendency  went 
so  far  in  this  direction  that  it  was  seriously  proposed  to  galvanize  into 
life  the  theocratic  despotism  of  the  Incas,  decked  out  in  all  the  gala  trap- 
pings of  liberalism.  Somebody  even  thought  of  harmonizing  dynasties, 
nations,  and  races  through  the  wedding  of  the  last  descendant  of  Ata- 
hualpa  and  Tupac  Amaru  to  one  of  the  Portuguese  princesses,  daugh- 
ters of  John  VI  and  Queen  Carlota  Joaquina  [15]. 

These  picturesque  absurdities,  which  already  announced  the  Indian- 
ism  [16]  so  characteristic  of  the  next  literary  period  should  not  blind  us 
to  the  fact  that  this  monarchical  ideal  had  captivated  some  of  the  great- 
est minds  of  South  America.  San  Martin  himself,  the  glorious  soldier 
who  gave  Chile  her  freedom  and,  in  his  desire  to  deprive  Spain  of  her 
last  South  American  redoubt,  even  penetrated  into  Peru,  had  been  as 
early  as  1812  a fervid  partisan  of  a monarchical  form  of  government  for 


MONARCHICAL  POSSIBILITIES 


6 7 


the  new  states  he  had  helped  to  bring  into  being.  Moreover,  Belgrano 
[17],  Rivadavia  [18],  Pueyrredon  [19],  and  all  those  who  belonged  to 
the  Supreme  Dictator’s  party  fully  shared  San  Martin’s  views,  but  owing 
to  circumstances  foreign  to  their  wishes,  their  choice  wavered  amongst  a 
whole  gallery  of  princes,  passing  from  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  future 
King  of  the  French,  Louis  Philippe,  to  the  Duke  of  Lucca,  an  Italian 
Bourbon. 

The  name  of  the  last  candidate  aroused  an  interest  entirely  dispro- 
portionate to  his  historic  importance.  Even  the  British  Parliament  was 
deeply  agitated  at  rumors  that  this  inconspicuous  Italian  princeling  might 
secure  a majority  of  the  votes  of  those  Argentine  statesmen  bent  on  im- 
porting a foreign  monarch.  Behind  the  Duke  of  Lucca  the  English 
descried  the  French  Foreign  Office,  guided  by  Richelieu  or  Chateau- 
briand, developing  such  an  intrigue  in  a sense  favorable  to  French  dynas- 
tic interests.  At  this  juncture  such  interests  were  identical  with  those  of 
Spain,  and  were  coupled  with  political  aims  opposed  to  England  [20]. 
Only  the  statesmen  of  the  Restoration  failed  to  appraise  at  their  true 
value  the  stupidity  and  obstinacy  of  Ferdinand  VII,  one  of  the  monarchs 
who  have  least  deserved  the  title  of  king, — a ruler  who  would  justify  any 
republic.  He  it  was  indeed  who,  in  his  intellectual  dullness,  only  ren- 
dered more  evident  by  his  innate  perfidy,  chiefly  ignored  the  New  World’s 
events  and  showed  himself  most  hostile  to  an  agreement.  Foreign  diplo- 
matists, amongst  whom  figured  the  French  plenipotentiary,  describe  him 
as  indifferent  to  the  loss  of  his  absolutist  rights. 

A crisis  had  arrived  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  VII  when  a policy  of 
shuffling  and  tergiversation  was  absolutely  fatal.  Events  in  the  New 
World  had  been  moving  with  kaleidoscopic  rapidity.  The  victory  of 
Carabobo  had  set  Venezuela  free;  Cochrane  and  San  Martin  had  reached 
Peru  and  begun  her  conquest,  the  Peruvian  royalists  having  themselves 
called  La  Serna  [21]  to  the  palace  of  the  viceroy  Pezuela  [22]  ; the  viceroy 
of  Mexico,  Apodaca  [23],  had  abdicated  and  his  successor,  O’Donoju  [24] 
had  felt  himself  compelled  by  a general  rebellion  to  take  refuge  in  Vera 
Cruz ; the  Mexican  representatives  to  the  Constitutional  Cortes  had  made 
an  eloquent  appeal  to  Spanish  liberals,  pointing  out  how  it  was  still 
possible  to  keep  a good  intelligence  and  even  a certain  union  through  the 
foundation  of  American  monarchies.  But  the  incapable  sovereign,  intent 
only  on  the  preservation  of  his  despotic  power,  refused  to  recognize  the 
changed  situation  that  had  arisen  in  America.  Any  compromise  in  which 
his  absolute  rights  might  suffer  a curtailment  was  repugnant  to  him  and 
in  his  dilemma  he  thought  only  of  imploring  the  intervention  of  the  Holy 


68 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Alliance  as  a supreme  measure  of  dynastic  and  public  salvation,  identify- 
ing both  in  a case  where  one  was  in  no  wise  synonymous  with  the  other. 
So  unhappy  an  attitude  gave  to  French  royalty  the  opportunity  of  winning 
for  the  Duke  de  Angouleme’s  expedition  the  laurels  of  Trocadero  [25], 
and  to  Chateaubriand  the  pretext  for  obtaining  at  Verona  the  right  of 
intervention  and  for  restoring  by  himself  the  plan  of  the  Spanish  Ameri- 
can monarchies.  The  king  of  Spain  was  consequently  the  principal  ob- 
stacle to  the  realization  of  those  projects  of  a general  importance  for  the 
New  World,  since  even  Bolivar  himself,  at  a given  moment,  was  ready  to 
accept  monarchy  as  the  best  solution  for  the  crisis.  It  is  to  be  noted 
however  that  the  Libertador  remained  inflexible  in  his  antagonism  to 
Spanish  princes  and  in  his  insistence  that  if  thrones  were  to  be  erected  in 
Spanish  America  they  should  be  occupied  only  by  natives. 

Bolivar  also  evinced  a lasting  abhorrence  to  all  these  monarchs  of  a 
local  color  or  taste,  especially  after  the  miserable  Napoleonic  parody  given 
by  Mexico  through  her  general  Iturbide,  who  with  the  help  of  clergy, 
nobility  and  people,  imitated  the  18th  Brumaire  and  even  improved  on  it — 
as  it  was  the  Mexican  Congress  that  under  the  gun’s  pressure  went  so  far 
as  to  vote  the  proclamation  of  the  empire  of  Augustine  I — carrying  the 
parody  up  to  the  Sacre  with  all  the  ceremonial  adopted  at  Notre  Dame 
for  the  Emperor  [26]. 

The  simile  ought  to  stop  here,  as  this  exotic  court  lacked  in  its 
pageant,  to  soften  the  contrast  with  public  distress,  the  splendor  of  mili- 
tary conquest.  Yet  even  the  return  from  Elbe  found  its  counterpart  in 
Mexico.  After  the  deposition  and  banishment  of  Iturbide  by  Santa 
Anna — an  easy  task  as  the  emperor  displayed  faint  hearted  resistance — 
the  poor  ex-sovereign  determined  to  overcome  the  results  of  his  pusilla- 
nimity and  inertia  by  a return  from  Europe  to  the  New  World.  He  was 
arrested  on  landing  at  Mexico,  however,  and  shot  three  days  later. 

You  will  see  that  the  spectacle  was  of  a nature  to  kindle  the  re- 
publican sentiments  of  Bolivar  to  whom,  like  Caesar,  the  crown  was  thrice 
offered.  As  to  San  Martin,  if  he  had  not  left  the  struggle  in  1824,  dis- 
gusted and  grieved,  that  precedent  would  have  confirmed  in  his  mind  the 
belief  that  only  a constitutional  monarchy,  with  an  European  prince  at  its 
its  head,  could  spare  the  independent  New  World  the  flood  of  blood  and 
infamy  in  which  it  nearly  disappeared. 

San  Martin  calculated  the  power  of  this  tide  of  lawlessness  and  insub- 
ordination by  the  conspiracies  which  his  officers  themselves  plotted  against 
him,  specially  after  the  arrival  in  the  capital  of  Peru,  when  the  troops  that 
had  freed  Chile  plunged  in  those  new  pleasures  of  Capua,  and  lost  the 


BOLIVAR  AND  SAN  MARTIN 


69 


best  of  their  warlike  nerve.  And  it  was  precisely  the  disappointment  of 
not  being  able  to  persuade  Bolivar  to  share  his  royalist  conception — as  the 
monarchical  feeling  was  common  to  both — that  chiefly  induced  San  Mar- 
tin to  desert  public  life.  In  the  famous  interview  of  Guayaquil  [27],  in 
July  1822,  the  two  systems — the  monarchical  and  the  oligarchic — met  and 
collided.  Bolivar’s  ambition,  quite  natural  in  a man  full  of  imagination, 
of  reserving  for  himself  the  glory  of  definitely  liberating  Peru  and  achiev- 
ing the  wars  of  Independence,  dashed  against  the  logical  wish  of  San 
Martin’s  reflexive  mind,  not  to  forsake,  until  the  end  had  come,  a cam- 
paign which  he  had  initiated.  As  it  always  happens  in  such  cases,  dis- 
interestedness gave  way  to  ambition — ambition  for  honors,  let  us  say,  not 
for  personal  gains,  as  these  lower  motives  had  not  yet  subdued  the  minds 
of  the  Libertadores  of  South  American  countries.  Bolivar  found  the  field 
too  narrow  for  two  South  American  glories,  both  of  them  seeking  after 
the  palms  of  immortality:  Napoleon  would  have  thought  exactly  the  same 
way.  San  Martin  did  not  want  for  an  egotistical  reason  to  delay  the 
conclusion  of  a political  enterprise  which  possessed  a vital  interest  for 
a whole  continent.  So  Washington  would  have  acted. 

This  historical  parallel  suggests  itself  in  such  a way,  it  occurs  so 
easily,  that  you  will  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that  it  has  often  been  made 
and  often  repeated.  We  shall  soon  present  it  once  more  as  it  explains  in 
a certain  way  the  evolution,  apparently  contradictory,  of  Spanish  America. 
Meanwhile  I have  mentioned  such  a comparison  because  it  facilitates  the 
understanding  of  what  happened  in  that  famous  interview  at  Guayaquil — 
an  event  which  has  proved  to  be  an  inexhaustible  source  for  varied  and 
ofttimes  conflicting  commentaries  on  the  part  of  the  historians  of  the 
period. 

A document  of  a considerable  value  on  the  subject  has  even  been 
recently  published:  no  less  than  the  dispatch  addressed,  on  July  29th, 
1822,  by  Bolivar’s  general  secretary  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Foreign  Affairs  of  Colombia  [28].  In  this  dispatch  it  is  said  that  San 
Martin  insisted  that  an  invitation  be  extended  to  some  European  prince 
and  that  Bolivar,  though  simulating  indifference  for  the  form  of  govern- 
ment of  each  State  taken  as  a unit,  opposed  himself  decidedly  to  the  intro- 
duction of  a heterogeneous  element  in  the  national  mass  (sic).  Such 
indifference  was  however  so  much  the  less  sincere  as  Bolivar’s  dream  of 
federation,  expressed  during  the  interview,  could  only  rest  on  similarity 
of  constitutional  systems-  It  would  have  been  quite  impossible  to  asso- 
ciate monarchies  and  republics  at  a time  when  their  mutual  antagonism 


70 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


appears  most  clearly  and  the  principles  represented  by  both  forms  of 
government  were  violently  arrayed  against  each  other. 

Yet  it  is  conceivable  that  a democratic  federation  might  have  at  its 
head  an  imperator.  Republican  Rome  lasted  nominally,  as  a political 
faction,  on  into  Imperial  Rome,  in  the  same  way  as  the  French  Revolution 
lasted  on  into  the  Napoleonic  Empire.  There  was  apparently  no  break 
in  the  continuity  and  besides,  the  essential  thing  was  the  stability  of  the 
system,  much  more  than  the  European  character  of  the  dynasty,  which 
could  only  have  served  to  stimulate  rivalries  amongst  the  Old  World’s 
powers. 

In  fact,  Colombia’s  minister  plenipotentiary  in  London — let  us  give 
him  this  title  by  anticipation — had  written  to  Bolivar  in  1820,  after  a con- 
versation with  Lord  Castlereagh,  that  Spanish-American  independence 
would  be  acknowledged  by  all  powers  as  soon  as  an  hereditary  executive 
power  had  been  established,  under  any  denomination  whatever,  in  the 
new  republics  [29].  Europe  wanted  more  than  anything  else  the  recog- 
nition of  the  nationalities  which  she  had  helped  to  establish ; the  monar- 
chical idea  represented,  even  more  than  a question  of  principle,  a ques- 
tion of  opportunism,  as  it  always  happens  with  every  political  question 
under  its  practical  aspect. 

The  application  of  a remedy,  considered  the  only  one  possible  for 
healing  the  disorder  in  which  the  Spanish  American  republics  had  fallen 
in  such  a short  period  of  life,  could  not  therefore  be  regarded  as  unad- 
visable  in  this  domain,  and  we  must  not  then  be  surprised  at  the  state- 
ment of  such  well  informed  historians  as  Sehor  Carlos  A.  Villanueva 
that  “laying  bare  the  mind,  the  heart,  the  intimate  feelings  of  Bolivar, 
we  will  find  that  he  always  thought  of  a native  monarchy,  disguised  or 
declared,  under  England’s  protectorate,  as  the  exclusive  way  of  assuring 
his  work  and  saving  his  glory.  He  had  never  conceived” — such  are  the 
textual  words  of  a writer  who  has  deeply  studied  his  subject — “a  demo- 
cratic republic,  as  he  judged  impossible  its  consolidation.” 

At  the  critical  moment  the  great  man’s  ambition  lacked  the  requisite 
decision,  or  if  you  prefer,  the  impudence  which  would  have  led  him  to 
place  on  his  own  head,  crowned  with  laurels,  the  royal  diadem  which  had 
been  offered  to  him  and  which  he  had  sought  for,  perhaps  only  to  allow 
himself  the  impressive  gesture  of  refusal  after  some  grandiloquent 
phrases  about  liberty.  Perhaps  in  the  consummation  of  such  a plan  he 
was  checked  by  what  I may  call  doctrinaire  remorse.  If  for  such  reason 
his  memory  became  dearer  to  the  republican  moralist,  his  work  decreased 
in  the  eyes  of  mankind. 


MODERATION  AND  LIBERAL  IDEAS 


71 


Great  Colombia  was  shattered  into  fragments  in  the  pursuit  of  that 
mirage  of  democratic  solidarity.  Her  leaders  forgot  that  the  foundation 
of  one  or  more  Spanish-American  monarchies,  similar  to  ours,  to  which 
Brazil  was  indebted,  first  for  her  union,  and  then  for  her  pacification, 
would  have  spared  the  Christian  civilization  of  the  nineteenth  century 
many  bloody  and  grotesque  pages.  If  my  own  country  can  boast  of  her 
history  during  the  last  century,  if  she  can  relate  it  to  other  countries  with 
some  pride,  she  owes  it  above  all  to  the  liberal  influence  of  imperial  insti- 
tutions. Historical  truth  must  not  be  immolated  to  prejudices,  even  if 
such  prejudices  be  democratic  or  derive  their  sanction  from  foreign  sug- 
gestion. 

Indeed  it  is  enough  to  read  letters  and  memoirs  of  the  Era  of  the 
Wars  of  Independence  to  be  convinced  that  the  ideas  of  unlimited  equality 
and  liberty  did  not  find  unanimous  approval  in  colonial  circles.  There 
was,  in  fact,  a large  proportion  of  minds  that  might  be  called  moderate. 
This  condition  of  affairs  need  evoke  no  surprise  when  we  recall  that  there 
was  a certain  proportion  of  the  partisans  of  Independence  who  were 
' either  self-educated  or  had  derived  their  liberal  ideas  from  Spanish 
sources.  Among  these  men  the  horrors  of  the  French  Revolution  could 
not  but  excite  a repulsion  and  feelings  of  revolt,  for  the  influence  to  which 
they  had  been  subjected  emanated,  as  was  just  suggested,  from  Spain 
rather  than  from  France,  although  a reflection  could  never  stand  in  com- 
petition with  the  original  shining  light  of  French  intellectuality. 

Spanish  ideas  displayed  during  the  eighteenth  century  some  visible 
tendency  towards  poltical  and  social  reforms.  I have  already  mentioned 
the  progressive  ideas  of  Charles  III,  and  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  remind 
you  that  the  most  remarkable  men  of  Spanish-American  Independence — 
Miranda,  San  Martin,  Bolivar,  O’Higgins  [30],  Belgrano — lived  all  of 
them  more  or  less  in  Spain.  There  they  came  in  touch  with  those  liberal 
aspirations  with  which  the  educated  minds  of  the  Peninsula  were  per- 
meated. And  these  same  aspirations  were  carried  back  to  America  by 
the  colonists,  in  germ,  so  to  speak.  Here  under  more  favorable  condi- 
tions they  not  only  gave  theoretical  and  superior  expression  to  local  dis- 
content but  with  further  development  directly  paved  the  way  for  eman- 
cipation. 

Hence  emancipation  was  not  a spontaneous  or  sudden  revelation : it 
had  its  causes,  its  precedents,  in  a word  its  traditions.  Spanish  histor- 
ians wisely  establish  a distinction  between  rebellions  of  protest  against 
acts  or  measures  of  governors  or  Companies — mutinies  without  a pre- 


72 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


conceived  plan,  true  straw  fires,6  as  they  are  called  in  Portuguese  and  in 
French — and  revolts  guided  or  inspired  by  the  idea  of  autonomy.  These 
scholars  find  this  second  kind  of  revolt  in  several  risings  of  the  eighteenth 
century  in  Peru,  Chile  and  Venezuela,  even  in  insurrections  of  Indians, 
negroes  and  mulattoes  [31]. 

Those  historians,  amongst  whom  I will  mention  Professor  Rafael 
Altamira  [32],  do  not  also  conceal  that  in  official  papers,  such  as  the  re- 
ports of  viceroys  and  others,  there  are  to  be  discovered  sure  and  unsus- 
pected evidence  of  the  discontent  existing  among  the  cultivated  natives 
due  to  the  reason  already  pointed  out — that  the  Spaniards  from  the 
metropolis  enjoyed,  so  to  speak,  all  official  positions.  The  Visitador  of 
New  Spain,  Galvez, — “visitador”  was  the  name  given  to  the  royal  com- 
missioner charged  of  an  inquiry  into  the  administration  of  a certain  vice- 
roy or  captain-general,  about  whom  complaints  happened  to  be  presented 
to  the  sovereign — wrote  in  1761  that  the  natives,  I mean  the  criollos,  had 
condensed  their  grievances  into  a set  formula:  “Spaniards  not  only  don’t 
allow  us  to  share  the  government  of  our  country,  but  they  carry  away 
all  our  money”  [33].  Mexicans  even  requested  Charles  III  to  grant 
them  admission  to  public  functions. 

If  at  that  time  there  did  not  yet  exist  in  the  colonies  that  definite 
patriotic  feeling  so  conspicuous  after  the  Wars  of  Liberation,  there  were 
not  wanting  evidences  of  what  we  might  term  a local  patriotism.  In  fact 
this  sentiment  was  so  strong  that  it  was  the  support  given  by  England 
to  the  revolutionary  attempt  of  Miranda  in  1806  that  chiefly  contributed 
to  the  indifference  shown  by  the  dominating  local  class  in  Venezuela  re- 
garding such  ill-fated  separatist  movements.  In  reality,  however,  the 
apprehensions  of  the  Venezuelans  were  groundless.  In  supporting  Mi- 
randa, England  was  intent  only  in  aiding  the  colonies  to  sever  their  rela- 
tions with  the  metropolis.  In  other  words  she  was  not  seeking  territorial 
aggrandizement  as  was  the  case  with  the  British  expedition  against 
Buenos  Aires  in  that  same  year,  1806  [34]. 

Such  exclusivism  is  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the  Spanish  na- 
tional feeling:  amongst  you,  on  the  contrary,  French  help  was  welcome, 
as  if  cosmopolitanism  began  even  then  to  foretell  its  own  advent.  It  is 
true  that  you  could  not  harbor  fears  of  foreign  supremacy,  and  that  any 
help  of  that  kind  contained  a sure  guarantee  of  success  of  a noble  enter- 
prise, already  fully  launched.  For  your  own  Revolution,  long  before  the 
proffer  of  French  or  Spanish  aid,  was  already  the  direct  expression  of  a 

* Or,  “feux  de  paille,”  “fogo  de  palha.” 


PRECEDENTS  FOR  THE  IDEA  OF  SEPARATION 


73 


national  conscience,  or,  to  be  more  strictly  historical,  of  a union  of  col- 
lective consciences,  from  States  that  had  reached  the  age  of  emancipation. 

In  Latin  America  this  spiritual  evolution  synchronized  with,  and  in 
a large  measure  resulted  from,  the  political  crisis  engendered  in  Europe. 
Yet  it  would  be  an  error  to  minimize  the  influence  of  events  which  oc- 
curred in  South  America  on  the  eve  of  political  emancipation.  For  in- 
stance the  defeat  of  the  English  and  consequent  reconquest  of  Buenos 
Aires  by  the  city  militia,  which  until  then  only  served  as  a theme  of  mock- 
ery for  the  European  Spaniards  established  in  the  colonies,  had  a reper- 
cussion throughout  the  colonial  empire.  Such  events  inspired  courage 
in  the  local  population  deserted  by  their  viceroy  and  so  led  to  victory  by 
Liniers’  [35]  daring  mind,  with  the  self-confidence  which  had  so  far  been 
strange  to  them.  Liniers  practically  proved — and  his  demonstration 
could  not  but  produce  extraordinary  effects — that  the  armed  population 
was  capable  of  defending  itself  against  any  foe,  domestic  or  foreign,  even 
though  this  foe  might  dispose  of  every  means  for  the  success  of  his 
attempt. 

In  this  current  of  local  patriotism,  whose  existence  had  been  hardly 
suspected,  was  merged  another  current  of  a more  truly  national  charac- 
ter, determined  by  the  struggle  which  the  mother  country  was  sustaining 
against  French  dominion.  The  result  was  that  latent  colonial  aspira- 
tions, apparently  discordant,  but  alike  in  essence,  emerged,  so  to  speak, 
to  the  surface  of  national  consciousness.  Thus  old  atavistic  instincts, 
stimulated  by  the  Bourbon  abdication — for  it  was  generally  denied  to  the 
King  the  right  of  disposing  in  that  way  of  the  fidelity  of  his  American 
subjects — came  to  combine  with  feelings  of  personal  loyalty  to  this  same 
unfortunate  monarch,  violently  deprived  of  his  crown.  The  party  of 
independence  chiefly  displayed  its  ability  in  disassociating  itself  from  the 
Cadiz  Regency  [36]  through  the  declaration  of  a direct  dependency  from 
the  crown,  that  is,  the  strictly  personal  tie  which  bound  colonies  to  their 
sovereign.  On  this  basis,  identical  in  all  sections  of  Spanish  America, 
the  various  colonies  without  any  concerted  action  set  out  to  secure  a com- 
plete autonomy.  Such  autonomy  was  tantamount  to  separation  from 
Spain,  for  when  the  first  colonial  risings  occurred,  the  belief  was  general 
that  Ferdinand  VII  would  never  again  occupy  his  throne.  On  the 
strength  of  the  doctrine  proclaimed  by  the  colonists  ahd  consecrated  by 
several  jurists,  the  colonial  empire  refused  to  acknowledge  the  authority 
of  the  boards  or  “Juntas”  which  called  themselves  delegations  of  the 
Spanish  nation : the  suzerainty  of  the  nation,  as  such,  was  by  right  null 
and  void  over  America,  which  was  an  exclusive  apanage  of  the  monarch, 
and  not  a national  property. 


LECTURE  IV. 


Representative  types  in  the  struggle  for  the  independence  of  the  New  World. — The 
Mexican  curate  Hidalgo  and  the  Latin  American  clergy,  partisans  of  national  in- 
dependence.— The  Brazilian  priests  in  the  revolution,  in  the  Constituent  Assembly 
and  in  the  government. — Temporary  union  of  the  aristocratic,  religious  and  popular 
elements. — The  creole  royalty  of  Iturbide  and  the  imperialistic  jacobinism  of  Boli- 
var.— The  conservative  and  the  revolutionary  elements  in  the  new  political  societies. 
— Jose  Bonifacio,  Dom  Pedro  and  Brazilian  emancipation. — Bolivar’s  political  psy- 
chology and  its  historical  parallel  with  that  of  San  Martin. — Their  double  sketch 
in  the  light  of  sociology,  by  F.  Garcia  Calderon. — Their  antagonistic  temperaments 
and  different  education. — Federation  applied,  and  the  international  ideal  of  Boli- 
var : solidarity,  mediation,  arbitration  and  territorial  integrity. — The  pact  of  Pa- 
nama and  the  abstention  of  the  United  States.— Bolivar’s  nationalism,  his  generos- 
ity.— Nativism  of  the  subsequent  libertadores,  more  in  harmony  with  the  envirori- 
ment. — Melancholy  destiny  of  the  superior  men  of  the  Independence  and  of  their 
patriotic  work. — Advent  of  the  anarchic  element,  premature  political  decadence, 
and  dawn  of  regeneration. 

In  the  Latin  American  countries  as  in  yours,  the  icjea  of  Independence 
was  not  embodied  in  men  of  plebeian  origin  but  in  the  aristocracy,  a 
circumstance  that  really  corresponds  to  the  existing  moral  and  social 
status  of  the  nobility  and  common  people.  This  fact  remains  true  even 
if  we  take  into  consideration  the  differences  that  existed  between  the 
many  colonial  communities  and  their  varying  degrees  of  development. 
Such  a circumstance  proves  once  more  the  truth  of  the  aphorism  that 
the  government  always  belongs  in  point  of  fact  to  the  minorities,  though 
in  theory  to  the  majorities.  It  proves  after  all  that  the  emancipation  of 
the  New  World  was  much  more  a political  than  a social  problem:  a care- 
fully worked  out  result  of  a preconceived  intellectual  plan — in  which,  to 
be  sure,  there  were  evidences  of  a determined  will — rather  than  the  in- 
stinctive consequence  of  a rebellion  engendered  by  spite  and  hate.  These 
tendencies,  on  the  one  hand  social,  on  the  other  political,  are  both  to  be 
found  in  such  capital  events  of  the  history  of  our  countries,  although  the 
first  one  in  a much  smaller  proportion,  so  as  to  vanish  into  the  other.  The 
French  Revolution,  for  instance,  was  both  one  thing  and  the  other,  and 
finished  by  becoming  more  social  than  political,  by  aiming  at  equality 
after  the  proclamation  of  liberty  whether  or  not  based  on  fraternity. 

It  is  true  that  in  Mexico  we  see  as  a leader  of  the  party  for  inde- 
pendence, when  it  was  first  initiated,  a most  typical  commoner,  the  priest 
Hidalgo  [i],  of  whom  Morelos  [2],  another  priest,  was  only  a second 


NATIVE  CLERGY  PARTISANS  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


75 


edition  more  within  the  reach  of  the  popular  element.  This  appearance, 
however,  of  the  clergy  in  the  battlefields  was  in  such  cases  due  to  nativis- 
tic  or  patriotic,  rather  than  to  social  reasons,  as  the  lower  clergy  in  Latin 
America  was  all  composed  of  natives,  and  some  of  them  even  were  half- 
caste.  The  church  made  it  a point  never  to  accept  the  prejudice  of  color. 
On  the  other  side,  the  high  clergy,  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy,  was  Euro- 
pean by  birth  and  in  mind. 

When  the  crisis  for  the  separation  took  place,  naturally  the  national 
clergy  almost  without  exception  embraced  the  new  cause  as  a matter  of 
patriotism,  and  as  they  represented  to  a great  extent,  if  not  almost  entire- 
ly, the  cultivated  element,  it  was  also  quite  natural  for  them  to  find  them- 
selves at  the  head  of  the  movement,  consequently  in  the  number  of  those 
who  had  really  to  fight.  Thus  we  find  the  explanation  to  the  curious  fact 
of  a liberal,  republican,  and  revolutionary  Roman-Catholic  clergy  in  the 
New  World,  in  perfect  contrast  to  what  happened  in  Europe,  where  it  was 
for  the  most  part  reactionary,  dynastic,  and  absolutist. 

In  Spanish  America,  where  the  idea  of  democracy  had  at  last  identi- 
fied itself  generally  with  that  of  independence,  the  contrast  became  for 
that  reason  less  extraordinary  than  in  Brazil,  though  it  was  equally  no- 
ticeable here.  The  establishment  in  1808  of  the  Portuguese  court  in  Rio 
de  Janeiro,  with  the  benefits  emanating  from  it,  worked  as  a stimulant 
for  the  monarchical  feeling,  and  I have  already  mentioned  how,  after 
the  departure  of  the  King  to  Lisbon,  the  presence  of  the  Heir  Apparent 
as  regent  supplied  a center  to  which  might  converge  the  efforts  of  all 
partisans  of  the  national  emancipation.  Despite  this  fact,  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1817 — which  for  months  maintained  a republican  form  of  govern- 
ment at  Pernambuco  and  even  appealed  to  you  for  a direct  positive  help — 
was,  so  to  say,  a revolution  of  priests.  In  fact,  a number  of  its  leaders, 
many  of  its  propagandists,  and  not  a few  of  its  martyrs,  belonged  to  the 
clergy.  No  European  liberals,  no  French  revolutionists  ever  felt  their 
hearts  throb  with  more  enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  liberty,  than  those 
clergymen  who  paid  with  their  lives  on  the  gibbet  for  the  democratic  as- 
piration of  their  souls  [3]. 

The  Constituent  Assembly,  which  the  first  Emperor  of  Brazil  had 
to  dissolve  because  it  pretended,  under  the  disguise  of  ultra-liberalism,  to 
carry  too  far  its  oligarchical  designs,  contained  a strong  proportion  of 
priests,  and  this  faction  was  precisely  the  most  advanced  in  political  mat- 
ters. Fascinated  by  the  lively  French  of  the  Encyclopedic,  those  priests 
had  forgotten  the  tiresome  Latin  of  their  breviaries,  and  their  religious 
gowns  only  served  to  enhance  their  resemblance  to  the  Conscript  Fathers 


76 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


of  the  French  Republic.  Brazil  even  counted  as  regent,  during  the  mi- 
nority of  her  second  Emperor,  a priest,  Feijo  [4],  and  he  was  the  most 
radical,  as  well  as  the  most  energetic  of  the  men  who  succeeded  at  the 
head  of  the  State  in  the  course  of  that  historical  period,  which  has  been 
happily  compared  by  a remarkable  political  writer,  the  late  Joaquim  Na- 
buco  [5] — who  died  as  ambassador  from  Brazil  to  the  United  States — to 
a true  test  of  the  republican  system.  In  spite  of  his  clerical  character— 
slightly  tinged  with  heterodoxy,  to  be  sure,  as  he  strongly  opposed,  for 
instance,  ecclesiastic  celibacy — Feijo  did  not  hesitate  when  in  power  to 
dismiss  the  army  invaded  by  the  worst  militarist  virus,  to  arouse  the 
civic  zeal  among  the  citizens,  trusting  to  them  the  defense  of  public  order, 
to  suppress  anarchy  and  to  enforce  justice. 

Priests  of  this  kind  did  not  have  much  time  left  for  their  religious 
occupations ; they  surely  neglected  their  spiritual  mission  and  I even  ad- 
mit that  their  lives  were  not  positively  edifying,  as  most  of  their  useful 
time  was  taken  up  by  political  duties  and  whatever  remained  was  only  too 
short  for  the  charms  of  a family,  for  the  great  majority  of  the  clergy  had 
abandoned  a life  of  celibacy.  It  was  only  later  on,  in  the  Roman  move- 
ment represented  by  the  Syllabus  [6]  that  the  ultramontane  spirit  per- 
vaded the  Brazilian  clergy.  This  new  influence  was  on  the  whole  dis- 
tinctly salutary  in  character ; it  did  not  in  the  least  affect  the  traditional 
patriotism  of  the  clergy  while  it  produced  wholesome  effects  in  their 
morality.'  Moreover  it  tended  to  eliminate  the  religious  element,  espe- 
cially as  represented  by  ecclesiastical  ministers,  from  the  struggles  of  the 
various  political  parties  for  power — struggles  not  infrequently  accom- 
panied by  violence  and  bloodshed  [7]. 

Father  Hidalgo  [8],  the  monastic  leader  of  the  Mexican  rebellion 
of  1810,  a kind  of  tribune  of  the  people  who  had  deserted  the  pulpit  for 
the  forum  was  not  only  an  active  but  a cultivated  mind,  brought  up  in 
the  ideas  of  the  French  philosophers  of  the  eighteenth  century,  initiated 
in  the  physiocratic  doctrine,  a partisan  of  the  political  and  social  reform 
capable  of  transforming  the  old  societies.  Hence  he  was  far  from  being 
a vulgar  agitator,  a plebeian  energumen : only  he  could  not  help  having 
as  his  first  revolutionary  troops  a band  of  a few  peasants  displaying  the 
standard  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe,  uttering  threats  of  death  against  the 
Spaniards  and  cheering  the  king.  They  tried  in  this  way  to  associate  the 
equality  of  rights — a thing  utterly  unknown  to  them — with  dynastic  fidel- 
ity, of  which  they  nourished  a vague  suspicion. 

From  that  time  on  we  may  see  Latin-American  revolutions  under- 
taken through  the  spirit  of  plunder,  though  cloaked  with  the  principles 


TEMPORARY  UNION  OF  CLASS  ELEMENTS 


77 


of  liberalism.  If  Bolivar  or  San  Martin,  or  any  other  like  these,  pos- 
sessed the  true  and  superior  notion  of  fatherland  and  liberty,  those  who 
were  grouped  around  them  were  nothing  else  than  herdsmen  to  whose 
savage  instincts  the  devil  of  destruction  made  the  strongest  appeal.  I do 
not  mean  to  imply  that  they  did  not  understand  the  elementary  freedoms 
— freedom  of  movement,  or  right  of  assembly,  for  instance.  In  order  to 
give  a concrete  feature  to  his  appeal  to  liberty  and  enlist  the  support  of 
the  popular  elements,  the  Mexican  curate  of  Dolores  did  not  fail  to  abol- 
ish at  once  both  slavery  and  the  Indian  tribute.  The  episcopal  anathemas 
which  Hidalgo  called  upon  himself  for  this  reason  were  invalidated  by 
other  ecclesiastical  authorities,  on  his  seditious  march  forward. 

The  civil  struggle  between  royalists  and  rebels  quickly  and  easily 
assumed  the  ferocious  character  which  distinguished  it  through  all  Span- 
ish America,  although  in  Mexico,  as  well  as  in  Venezuela  and  Buenos 
Aires,  personalities  from  the  higher  classes  did  not  delay  in  joining  the 
popular  movement  towards  independence.  Some  were  driven  by  a cer- 
tain plan  of  the  King — Ferdinand  VII — to  emigrate  to  New  Spain,  exact- 
ly as  King  John  VI  of  Portugal  had  emigrated  with  his  court  to  the 
Brazils ; others  were  determined  by  questions  of  class  or  rather  class 
interests,  postponed  or  menaced.  We  find  on  these  last,  in  the  very  recent 
and  excellent  book  of  the  Venezuelan  historian  Carlos  Villanueva — 
Ferdinand  VII  and  the  New  States — a work  which  constitutes  the  second 
of  the  series  I have  already  mentioned,  with  the  general  title  of  Monarchy 
in  America,  the  following  information  which  greatly  helps  us  to  under- 
stand the  particular  development  of  the  movement  of  Independence  : 
“The  reestablishment  of  the  Spanish  Constitution  of  1812  by  the  liberal 
revolution  of  Cadiz  in  1820  (the  so-called  rising  of  Riego)  produced  in 
Mexico  a deep  sensation,  especially  among  the  clergy,  as  that  organic 
law  had  abolished  all  church  privileges.  Seeing  that  the  new  constitution- 
al system  of  the  metropolis  would  not  grant  them  better  conditions  than 
those  afforded  by  the  Mexican  revolutionists  in  the  event  of  the  latter’s 
victory,  the  priests  and  monks  thought  finally  to  come  to  an  alliance  with 
the  rebels  in  order  to  try  and  save  some  of  their  prerogatives.  Accord- 
ingly they  began  to  support  the  new  local  revolution,  which  took  on  a 
theocratical  character,  more  definite  than  that  assumed  at  the  time  of 
Father  Hidalgo’s  rising  at  Dolores ; now  it  was  the  high  clergy  that  held 
the  leadership  of  the  party  of  emancipation,  a party  which  found  in  the 
events  occurring  in  the  Peninsula  a fit  opportunity  for  their  aims”  [9]. 

l et  us  say  that  in  Mexico,  as  well  as  in  the  other  Spanish  colonies  of 
America,  the  party  of  Independence,  after  the  first  enthusiasms  and  the 


78 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


first  victories,  had  known — as  it  also  happened  with  you — a period  of 
defeats  and  discouragement,  before  recovering  its  strength  and  winning 
a definite  triumph.  The  colonial  royalty  of  Ferdinand  VII,  which  fascin- 
ated many  by  its  strange  feature  and  seemed  logical  to  many  others 
on  account  of  the  Spanish  anarchy,  an  anarchy  that  even  called  for  for- 
eign intervention,  was  planned  to  be  autonomous  and  restricted,  that  is, 
the  legitimate  King  of  absolutist  Spain  would  become  the  constitutional 
sovereign  of  free  Mexico.  This  is  enough  to  allow  us  to  reckon  the 
advance  already  taken  by  the  idea  of  emancipation,  fatally  destined  to  a 
full  execution.  We  must  add  that  such  a monarchical  solution  of  the 
crisis  of  separation  bound  to  the  local  revolutionary  cause  the  territorial 
aristocracy  and  the  creole  officers,  besides  other  native  elements  which  in 
the  beginning  had  nourished  justified  fears  of  the  Indian  soldiery  of  the 
rebel  priest  Hidalgo. 

It  was  after  all  the  monarchical  solution  which  prevailed  with  the 
accession  to  power  of  Iturbide,  transformed  by  his  imperial  acclamation 
into  Augustin  I.  His  military  talents  had  become  famous  through  his 
alleged  prowess  in  the  struggle  against  the  rebels,  and  his  social  position 
was  an  element  of  prestige,  as  he  belonged  to  a rich  family.  Thus  you 
see  that  also  in  Mexico,  where  the  revolution  at  its  inception  was  invested 
with  both  popular  and  religious  elements,  the  movement  ended  by  obeying 
the  guidance  of  the  superior  elements  of  the  population. 

This  characteristic  of  a conscious  orientation  weighed  at  least  as  much 
as  the  plebeian  fetishism  for  anything  that  smacked  of  royalty  in  favor  of 
the  acceptance  on  the  part  of  many  colonials  of  the  idea  of  the  establish- 
ment of  one  or  more  Spanish-American  thrones.  We  have  already  seen 
how,  on  the  contrary,  the  Libertador  Bolivar  was  a strong  antagonist  of 
such  ideas.  He  himself  was  noble  and  once  rich,  but  he  had  immolated 
caste  advantages  and  privileges  of  fortune  upon  the  great  political  ideal 
which  inflamed  him,  and  in  which  we  discern  so  strongly  united  a civil  and 
aristocratic  jacobinism,  that  may  only  find  its  model  in  Greece,  and  a mili- 
tary and  democratic  imperialism,  of  a true  Roman  origin.  We  must  never 
forget  that  the  sad  destiny  of  the  creole  royalty  of  Iturbide  must  have 
surely  and  strongly  contributed  to  keep  Bolivar’s  mind  aloof  from  the 
temptation  of  the  crown,  which  more  than  once  was  offered  to  him  by  his 
admirers  and  his  flatterers.  Hence  he  contributed  more  than  anybody  else 
to  maintain  far  from  America  the  scions  of  the  Spanish  dynasty  who 
might  be  tempted  to  encircle  their  brows  with  American  diadems.  The 
well-known  Spanish  writer  Labra  [io]  judiciously  divides  the  American 
population  of  the  Spanish  possessions  of  the  time  into  three  classes : the 


CONSERVATIVE  AND  REVOLUTIONARY  ELEMENTS 


79 


first,  devoted  to  a radical  autonomy,  composed  of  the  intellectual  elite  and 
the  lower  clergy,  all  natives ; the  second,  attached  to  the  pure  colonial 
system,  to  the  despotic  government  of  the  metropolis,  composed  of  the 
Spanish  authorities,  the  higher  clergy,  likewise  of  Spanish  birth,  and  the 
possessors  of  privileges ; the  third  comprising  the  merchants,  industrials, 
and  planters,  and  numbering  as  many  Europeans  as  colonials.  This  last 
class  fully  appreciated  all  the  wrongs  which  their  interests  suffered  from 
an  imperfect  local  administration  and  an  unhappy  economic  policy,  but 
at  the  same  time  feared  the  party  excesses  certain  to  follow  in  the  wake 
of  suddenly  acquired  liberties.  Hence,  this  third  class  practically  repre- 
sented a conservative  ballast,  and  was  little  inclined  to  follow,  without 
thinking,  the  rather  limited  revolutionary  element.  Senor  Perez  Triana 
says  in  the  article  in  the  Cambridge  Modern  History  to  which  reference 
has  already  been  made,  that  a Spanish  victory  at  Ayacucho  [ 1 1 ] , in  1824, 
when  the  movement  of  Independence  had  already  become  concrete,  gen- 
eral, and  consolidated,  would  have  still  meant  the  reconquest  by  Spain 
of  her  lost  possessions.  Such  a remark  coming  from  an  eminent  South 
American  writer  may  well  excuse  and  justify  the  tenacity  displayed  by 
the  metropolis  in  not  recognizing  the  republics  issued  from  her. 

The  proportion  of  Spain’s  followers  was  indeed  large  until  the  very 
last  moment  amongst  the  nationals  of  those  new  countries,  and  the  major- 
ity of  the  colonial  populations  remained  during  the  struggle  neutral  and 
indifferent,  ready  to  go  over  to  the  side  of  victory  in  the  same  way — so 
says  Senor  Perez  Triana — as  the  waters  follow  the  declivity  of  the  soil. 
The  local,  or  creole  aristocracy  generally  belonged  to  the  moderate  group, 
and  it  only  felt  obliged  to  exaggerate  its  liberalism,  which  had  been  no- 
ticed by  Humboldt,  when  the  European  element  accentuated  its  reaction- 
ary tendency.  Those  noblemen  by  birth  went  then  as  far  as  to  join  the 
agitators  who  at  that  time  preferred  to  attract  the  colored  population, 
opening  before  these  unknown  horizons,  and  involuntarily  awakening 
those  instincts  of  destruction  ever  slumbering  beneath  the  surface. 

The  priests  who  played  such  a considerable  role  both  in  the  Mexican 
and  in  the  Pernambuco  Revolutions,  the  Hidalgos  and  the  Morelos,  the  Ri- 
beiros  [12]  and  the  Romas  [13]  belonged  to  the  class  of  those  agitators 
and  we  also  reckon  amongst  them,  both  because  his  career  helps  explain 
the  mental  evolution  just  discussed  and  especially  because  of  his  partic- 
ular idiosyncracies,  the  most  renowned  historical  personality  of  South 
America — Don  Simon  Bolivar. 

This  name  is  familiar  and,  I willingly  fancy,  also  dear  to  you,  as  well 
as  that  of  his  great  rival  San  Martin : rival  I mean  in  the  admiration  and 


8o 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


gratitude  of  their  countrymen  that  is,  of  all  Spanish-Americans,  as  both 
of  them  aimed  at  the  same  high  and  noble  purpose,  which  was  the  free- 
dom of  a whole  colonial  world  aspiring  to  its  independence.  When  fate 
made  them  meet  and  set  in  opposition  if  not  their  methods,  their  own 
ideals,  and  behind  these,  their  personalities,  San  Martin,  as  we  have  seen, 
yielded  the  field  and  definitely  retired  from  the  political  stage  allowing 
Bolivar  to  reap  the  laurels  of  Junin  [14]. 

Venezuela  and  Buenos  Aires  were  in  Spanish  America,  or  at  least  in 
South  America — as  the  Mexican  rising  was  apart,  though  contempora- 
neous— the  two  centers  of  irradiation  of  the  idea  of  Independence,  per- 
sonified in  those  two  leaders  who  in  Peru,  the  chief  center  of  resistance, 
came  to  dash  one  against  the  other  in  their  double  and  simultaneous  pro- 
jection. The  board  of  vecinos  notables,  or  notable  citizens,  comprising 
the  Cabildo  abierto,  that  is,  open  meeting  of  August  14,  1806,  which 
obliged  the  inept  Viceroy  of  Buenos  Aires,  Sobremonte,  to  transfer  the 
military  command  to  Jaques  Liniers  and  the  civil  authority  to  the  “Au- 
diencia,”  had  been  in  the  Latirr  New  World  the  first  true  essay  of  the 
representative  system  and  of  political  autonomy  [15].  On  the  other  side 
of  the  continent  the  resistance  of  the  captain-general  of  Venezuela  to  the 
action  of  the  local  board  organized  to  direct  the  affairs  of  the  captaincy, 
independently  of  the  Supreme  Central  Board  of  Seville,  which  had  as- 
sumed royal  attributions,  was  one  of  the  immediate  signs  of  the  prolonged 
civil  war  which  for  so  many  years  drenched  Spanish  America  with 
blood  [16]. 

In  Brazil  the  principal  effort  would  tend,  not  towards  separation, 
but  towards  the  maintenance  of  a cohesion  still  conventional,  like  that  of 
the  “State  of  Brazil,”  coupled  with  the  union  of  the  “Para-Maranhao 
State”  [17].  The  result  would  be  a whole  imposing  by  its  size,  attained 
through  the  integration  of  elements  disproportionate  amongst  themselves 
and  badly  assembled.  Yet  this  same  disproportion,  the  result  of  admin- 
istrative action,  was  more  apparent  than  real.  The  language,  the  re- 
ligion, a common  past  and  the  character  of  its  individual  settlers — whose 
general  feature  absorbed  the  other  insignificant  European  contributions 
to  the  race  of  the  invaders — gave  the  country  a decided  and  remarkable 
uniformity.  There  are  few  countries  besides  yours,  which  offer  such  a 
homogeneity  of  moral  aspects  as  Brazil. 

The  task  of  uniting  the  political  elements  in  one  patriotic  purpose 
belonged  in  Brazil  to  Jose  Bonifacio  de  Andrada  e Silva,  a learned  min- 
eralogist, an  eloquent  academician  and  a thoroughbred  statesmen,  who 
found  in  the  Regent,  Dom  Pedro,  the  fittest  instrument  for  the  execution 


HISTORICAL  PARALLEL  BETWEEN  BOLIVAR  AND  SAN  MARTIN  8l 


of  such  a work.  We  may  even  say  that  he  was  predestined  to  exercise 
a decisive  influence  in  the  history  of  Brazil  at  this  crisis.  The  importance 
accorded  by  the  future  emperor  to  superior  principles  of  administration, 
the  prestige  which  Dom  Pedro  enjoyed  as  the  representative  of  institu- 
tions prized  by  all  patriotic  Brazilians,  the  personal  qualities  of  intelli- 
gence and  bravery  for  which  the  young  ruler  was  conspicuous — all  facili- 
tated and  perhaps  rendered  possible  the  great  achievements  of  Jose 
Bonifacio  [18]. 

The  exclusion  in  itself  of  the  dominion  of  the  metropolis  did  not  cost 
a big  effort.  Resistance  indeed  amounted  to  none,  a fact  which  endowed 
the  independence  of  Portuguese  America  with  a character  both  logical 
and  productive.  At  the  same  time  there  was  necessarily  lacking  the  ro- 
mantic note  assumed  by  the  Revolution  of  Spanish  America,  thanks  to 
the  prolonged  struggle  which  surrounded  with  an  everlasting  glory  the 
personalities  of  Bolivar  and  San  Martin. 

At  this  point  we  find  ourselves  compelled,  for  a better  comprehen- 
sion of  the  subject,  to  have  recourse  to  a historical  parallel,  in  spite  of 
the  banality  and  vulgarity  of  such  a literary  process.  Yet  such  parallels 
may  be  more  than  mere  theoretical  devices  and  may  even,  as  will  pres- 
ently appear,  partake  of  the  quality  of  scientific  precision.  By  a natural 
disposition  easy  to  understand  and  even  as  a result  of  a point  of  honor, 
although  historical  justice  must  always  be  supreme  and  exclusive,  Vene- 
zuelans and  Argentines  respectively  praise  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm 
Bolivar  and  San  Martin,  at  the  same  time  trying,  in  the  antagonism  of 
their  feelings,  to  lessen  the  merits  of  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  heroes. 
And  as  there  is  no  human  personality  without  fault,  it  is  not  difficult  for 
them  to  perpetuate  their  discussions  on  the  matter. 

So,  obeying  the  instinct  of  impartiality,  I address  myself  to  a Pe- 
ruvian writer,  son  of  that  land  of  pre-Columbian  traditions,  of  colonial 
traditions  and  of  heroic  traditions  during  the  cycle  of  emancipation ; a 
land  which  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the  bulwark  of  loyalist  resistance  and 
the  field  of  concentration  for  the  troops  which  came  down  victorious 
from  the  Pichincha  and  for  those  which  equally  victorious  came  up  from 
Maypu,  all  anxious  to  secure  the  freedom  of  the  Spanish  New  World 
[19].  Fortunately  the  writer  whom  I speak  of,  Francisco  Garcia  Cal- 
deron [20],  is  a master  of  sociology  and  one  of  the  most  balanced  and 
thoughtful  minds  of  Spanish  America  at  the  present  time.  You  will 
judge  better  of  his  capacity  by  the  parallel  he  once  established  between 
those  two  illustrious  men  whom  Hellenic  antiquity  would  have  trans- 
formed into  demi-gods  and  who  would  have  been  classified  by  our  con- 


82 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


temporary  Nietzche  under  the  epithet  of  Supermen:  “This  American 
movement  is  concentrated  in  two  great  names : Bolivar  and  San  Martin. 
In  their  psychological  differences  we  are  to  find  the  image  of  the  two 
revolutionary  tendencies:  in  one  the  boisterous  rupture  with  the  past, 
imitation  of  the  French  Revolution  and  of  the  American  Federation, 
equality  to  the  prejudice  of  liberty;  in  the  other  the  conservative  mind 
within  the  revolution,  new  ideals  soothed  by  traditionalism,  respect  and 
amplification  of  the  monarchical  ideal,  liberty  above  equality.  Those 
two  forces,  as  exemplified  in  Bolivar,  the  man  of  the  North,  and  San 
Martin,  the  man  of  the  South,  combined  to  repudiate  the  past,  but  were 
arrayed  against  each  other  in  every  thing  that  concerned  the  affirmation 
and  building  up  of  the  future. 

“In  cast  of  mind  they  presented  marked  contrasts,  Bolivar  being  am- 
bitious and  egoistic,  of  a despotic  disposition,  although  great  and  vision- 
ary in  his  egoism ; San  Martin-being  loyal,  sensible,  timid,  dominated  by 
traditions.  A genial  and  generalizing  mind,  the  psychological  type  of  the 
creole,  Bolivar  was  bound  to  become  an  egotist ; as  an  utopian  he  wanted 
to  organize  everything,  to  govern  everything,  to  adjust  minds  to  the  same 
inflexible  mould ; he  possessed  the  illogical  spirit  of  all  the  great  builders. 
San  Martin,  devoted  to  monarchy,  devoid  of  ambition,  and  destitute  of 
a commanding  temper,  submitted  himself,  like  the  Greek  statesman  to 
ostracism  and  returned  with  his  daughter,  a pious  and  faithful  Antigone, 
to  the  heart  of  the  monarchical  traditions  of  France  [21]. 

“We  discover,  however,  in  their  fatal  clashing  more  than  the  oppo- 
sition of  two  different  types  of  mind : rather  do  we  find  the  play  of  two 
historical  forces,  the  acting  of  two  methods  of  social  construction.  Boli- 
var imitates  Napoleon  and  San  Martin  reminds  us  of  Washington.  They 
establish  the  principles  of  democracy  according  to  different  conceptions. 
Bolivar  was  to  triumph  by  his  genius,  by  the  suggestion  of  a high  and 
growing  ambition,  by  the  excesses  even  of  his  work,  and  with  him  came  the 
turn  of  administrative  centralization,  of  political  instability,  of  exagger- 
ated equality,  of  social  confusion.  Bolivar  was  more  American  than  Na- 
poleon was  French;  he  followed  the  hereditary  feelings  of  his  race  and 
suffered  the  action  of  the  environment,  but  possessed  the  originality  of 
genius.  Only,  in  America,  the  dominating  qualities  of  our  Bonaparte  seem 
to  weaken : the  marvellous  fibre,  the  primitive  vigor,  the  energy  of  the 
condottiere  are  not  the  same  . . . Both  pronounce  the  fiat  in  the  chaos, 
disclaim  idealogy  and  are  idealogues,  by  their  symmetrical  mind,  by  their 
system,  by  a kind  of  political  Catholicism.  Passionately  fond  of  unity 
they  both  desire  the  coordination  of  all  things  on  a Unitarian  plan. 


HISTORICAL  PARALLEL  BETWEEN  BOLIVAR  AND  SAN  MARTIN  83 

“Napoleon,  more  imperative,  aims  at  the  mastery  of  the  Revolution 
over  Europe  by  way  of  imposture  and  jacobinism;  Bolivar  looks  for 
liberty  in  America  through  confederation,  by  means  of  the  political  soli- 
darity of  his  race.  They  both  establish  democracy  through  the  amplifi- 
cation of  their  own  power,  as  they  represent  authority,  rising  above  the 
ordinary  level  of  human  affairs.  They  resemble  each  other  in  the  deter- 
mination and  vigor  of  their  social  action.  The  first  one  is  a solitary  car- 
nivore, the  big  human  specimen,  a marvel  of  Nature ; the  second  her  only 
child,  the  last  expression  of  her  creative  power.”  1 

Taine  marvellously  described  the  integrity  of  the  mental  instrument 
in  Napoleon,  this  strength  which  discovers  unity  amidst  things  hetero- 
clitic and  disseminated,  this  organic  reconstruction  of  life  in  the  dominat- 
ing mind.  Bolivar  possesses  a more  analytic  intelligence  ; in  his  unifying 
impetus  he  simplified  things,  and  in  spite  of  himself  acted  as  an  idealogue ; 
his  mind  was  rather  critical  than  creative.  He  was  the  first  to  lend  a 
direction  to  the  revolutionary  organization.  His  power  was  absolute  to 
establish,  to  test,  and  to  destroy.  He  governs  people,  distributes  provin- 
ces, changes  boundaries,  founds  Columbia,  is  absolute  master  of  Peru, 
conceives  a republic,  Bolivia,  to  which  he  leaves  his  name ; he  aims  at 
Roman  unity  and  aspires  to  be  the  Caesar  of  a magnificent  American  cen- 
tralization. The  evolution  of  the  American  continent  is  but  the  reflection 
and  realization  of  his  thought : the  military  spirit,  the  influence  of  a 
strong  personality,  the  complete  creation  of  codes  and  constitutions,  the 
nervous  instability  of  collective  movements,  emanate  from  him.- 

San  Martin  is  the  emulator  of  Washington  and  like  him  aims  at  po- 
litical objectivity;  he  knows  how  to  extricate  himself  from  the  fatality 
of  events.  He  gives  his  effort  without  imposing  a rule  and  shows  a tena- 
cious and  strong  will,  the  sense  of  circumstances  and  of  the  progress  of 
things.  We  find  in  him  the  spirit  of  moderation,  the  respect  for  the  slow 
evolution  of  realities.  A monarchist  and  a liberal,  he  wishes  to  inter- 
pret in  a traditional  sense  the  fatal  movement  of  the  Revolution.  Like 
Washington  he  sees  in  “time  and  habit”  the  true  foundations  of  social 
organization ; he  cherishes  the  same  religious  feeling  for  liberty,  the 
same  civic  virtues,  and  the  same  puritanism.  Before  all  else  they  are 
heroes  of  peace.  Living  in  the  same  historical  period,  Bolivar  and  San 
Martin  were  destined  to  engage  in  the  inevitable  conflict,  as  they  repre- 
sented political  systems  based  upon  fundamentally  different  conceptions, 

1 "Le  premier  est  un  fauve  solitaire,  le  grand  specimen  humain,  une  trouvaille 
de  la  nature ; le  deuxieme  est  son  fils  unique,  la  derniere  epreuve  de  1’efTort 
createur.”  Garcia  Calderon,  Le  Perou  contemporain,  p.  64. 


84 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


the  Latin  imperium  and  the  Saxon  individualism.  Such  clashing  reminds 
us  of  the  differences  which  developed  between  Jefferson  and  Hamilton 
during  the  administration  of  Washington.  Hamilton,  the  courageous 
founder  of  The  Federalist,  upholds  traditions,  accepts  aristocracy  and 
federalism  and  only  fears,  like  San  Martin,  the  devastating  tide  of  dem- 
ocracy. Jefferson,  more  liberal  than  Bolivar,  cherished  an  equal  hatred 
of  privilege  and  in  a generous  impulse  wishes  to  exalt  every  autonomy. 

Washington  did  not  believe  in  definitive  formulas.  He  looked  for 
the  conciliation  of  the  two  political  ideals,  accepting  both  unity  and  fed- 
erative autonomy.  His  theories  of  government  and  of  the  state  were 
neither  exclusive  nor  intolerant ; it  was  possible  to  rally  to  their  support 
without  any  sacrifice  of  moral  spontaneity.  On  the  contrary,  South 
America  allowed  a simple,  uniform,  and  authoritative  model  to  be  im- 
posed upon  her  without  the’  complexity  and  variety  of  life. 

The  adaptation,  which  was  necessarily  to  follow,  of  an  abstract 
mould  to  concrete  realities,  was  destined  to  fill  the  last  century  in  the 
Latin-American  world  with  an  agitation  often  idle,  but  not  always  bar- 
ren. In  some  respects  it  was  even  productive,  for  along  with  much  ma- 
terial and  moral  misery  it  resulted  in  a certain  degree  of  common  and 
promising  progress.  I beg,  however,  to  be  allowed  to  carry  a little  fur- 
ther a parallel  which  singularly  contributes  to  clear  up  that  understand- 
ing of  a subject  hitherto  enveloped  in  much  obscurity. 

If  we  look  through  the  biography  of  the  two  Libertadores,  we  shall 
see  that  San  Martin  was  since  his  very  first  youth  brought  up  on  military 
discipline.  As  a cadet  in  the  Spanish  army,  he  fought  against  the  Moors, 
the  French,  the  English,  and  the  Portuguese,  going  from  Oran  to  Rou- 
sillon,  from  Bailen  to  Tudela  [22],  from  the  Mediterranean  shore  to  the 
Portuguese  province  of  Alemtejo.  Early  initiated  into  the  secret  revo- 
lutionary societies,  he  became  an  active  propagandist  of  the  movement 
for  Independence ; at  the  same  time  his  numerous  campaigns  endowed 
him  with  the  ability  of  a military  leader,  incapable  of  far  reaching  war 
plans,  but  knowing  well  how  to  prepare  for  victory. 

Bolivar  was  quite  a different  mind.  Joining  intuition  to  the  military 
art,  and  improvisation  to  sttategics,  capable,  however,  of  genial  inspira- 
tions, he  was  consistently  to  play  the  part  prepared  for  him  by  his  rev- 
eries, combined  with  an  extraordinary  tenacity — which  urged  him  on  to 
great  deeds, — and  by  his  education  as  a man  of  the  world,  who  had  trav- 
eled extensively  and  could  shine  in  society.  San  Martin  was  as  prudent, 
steady  and  considerate,  as  Bolivar  was  garrulous,  turbulent  and  audacious. 
In  the  former,  all  the  faculties  gravitated  towards  conscience;  in  the 


HISTORICAL  PARALLEL  BETWEEN  BOLIVAR  AND  SAN  MARTIN  85 

latter  they  were  wont  to  fly  on  the  wings  of  fancy  and  their  colors  ac- 
quired a variegated  scale  through  a prism  formed  in  its  three  faces  by 
oratory,  suggestion,  political  egoism,-  and  the  ideal  of  freedom.  So,  we 
may  well  understand  that  San  Martin’s  influence  increased  after  his  proud 
retreat  and  the  abnegation  of  his  last  years  in  a foreign  country,  and 
that  Bolivar,  nowadays  a little  forgotten,  occupied  a large  place  in  the 
sympathy  of  his  European  contemporaries.  His  name  was  even  popular 
in  Ireland  and  Poland,  countries  fighting  for  their  emancipation  like  his 
own.  French  liberals  paid  him  the  same  admiration  offered  as  a tribute 
to  Napoleon  and  Washington,  and  fashion  showed  how  popular  he  was 
by  giving  about  1820  his  name — which  it  never  lost— to  a wide-brimmed 
hat  of  a decidedly  inspiring  aspect.  Finally  Carlyle,  who  never  refused 
homage  to  heroes,  called  him  a “genius  whose  history  would  be  worth 
the  ink  employed  in  writing  it,  if  only  the  Homer  capable  of  such  a task 
could  be  found.” 

The  points  of  contact  or,  better  said,  the  resemblances  of  genius  be- 
tween Napoleon  and  Bolivar  are  numerous  and  striking.  Both  possessed 
an  imagination  that  was  not  only  lively,  but  may  even  be  called  exalted. 
Bonaparte  when  in  Egypt  incited  the  courage  of  his  soldiers  at  the  same 
time  that  he  gave  expression  to  his  own  historical  feeling  by  saying  that 
“forty  centuries  were  contemplating  them  from  the  top  of  the  Pyramids.” 
Bolivar  wrote  in  an  ecstacy  from  Chimborazo  that  he  had  reached  the 
glacial  region,  where  no  human  foot  had  been  able  to  pollute  the  resplen- 
dent crown  placed  by  Eternity  on  the  lofty  front  of  the  dominator  of  the 
Andes : “I  faint” — such  are  his  words — “on  touching  with  my  head  the 
vault  of  Heaven.” 

In  both,  however,  imagination  did  not  exclude  a practical  intelli- 
gence. Napoleon,  the  victor  of  Marengo  and  Austerlitz,  was  not  only 
the  author  of  the  Concordat  with  Rome  which  gave  satisfaction  to  the 
religious  spirit  of  France,  which  had  been  suffering  unjust  persecution, 
but  was  also  the  compiler  of  the  well  known  code  of  civil  laws  which 
assured  the  moral  conquests  of  the  French  Revolution.  Bolivar,  the  vic- 
tor of  Boyaca  [23]  and  Junin  [24],  was  also,  as  I have  had  already  the  op- 
portunity of  reminding  you,  the  one  who  inspired  in  this  international 
domain  in  which  all  Americans  try  to  meet  and  to  read  a good  under- 
standing regarding  such  free  principles  as  territorial  integrity  and  compul- 
sory arbitration.  The  first  of  these  was,  when  it  was  proclaimed,  a prin- 
ciple exceedingly  conservative,  as  it  attributed  to  each  new  sovereign  State 
the  same  extension  it  had  as  a colony.  So  it  gave  the  old  administrative 
delimitations  a prerogative  of  political  boundary  and — uti  possidetis  juris 


86 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


— it  granted  the  political  unities,  created  at  that  time  without  correspond- 
ing precisely  to  the  economic  unities,  not  only  the  territories  occupied 
de  facto  but  also  these  possessed  de  jure.'2  If  unfortunately  such  princi- 
ples did  not  abolish  throughout  our  double  continent  every  war  of  con- 
quest, at  least  it  substituted  at  the  worst  moment,  when  the  new  Spanish 
nationalities  were  being  organized,  the  prestige  of  tradition  and  the  rules 
of  Right  for  the  use  of  brutal  strength. 

According  to  Bolivar’s  plan,  a Congress  ,of  plenipotentiaries  or 
American  amphictyons  was  to  give  obligatory  sanction  to  the  sentences 
deciding  the  pleas  between  the  delegations  of  the  new  governments.  In 
the  words  of  the  Libertador  it  was  “to  initiate  the  system  of  guarantees 
which,  in  peace  as  well  as  in  war,  ought  to  be  the  shield  of  our  destinies, 
and  to  consolidate  the  p.ower  of  the  great  political  corporation  in  the  exer- 
cise of  its  sublime  authority  which  was  bound  to  lead  our  governments, 
maintain  through  its  influence  the  uniformity  of  our  principles,  and  ap- 
pease by  its  single  name  the  fury  of  our  tempests.” 

The  pact  concluded  at  Panama  on  July  15,  1825,  unfortunately  with- 
out the  complete  approval  of  independent  America,  included  some  articles 
which  contained  those  very  principles  of  international  law  that  nowadays 
have  represented  the  greatest  desideratum  as  well  as  the  greatest  obstacle 
for  those  who  in  the  last  Peace  Conferences  have  fought  on  their  behalf. 
I am  going  to  read  for  you  three  such  articles,  so  that  you  may  see  how 
the  noble  efforts  of  your  President  in  favor  of  a wider  scheme  of  arbitra- 
tion have  their  precedents  in  our  New  World. 

Article  XVI,  for  instance,  dealt  with  the  principle  of  recourse  to 
mediation : “The  contracting  parties  engage  themselves,  and  make  there- 
to a solemn  compromise,  to  settle  in  a friendly  way  all  differences  that 
presently  exist  or  may  arise  among  them.  In  case  the  agreement  should 
fail,  the  powers  in  controversy  will  present  their  cases,  in  preference  to 
any  violent  solution  and  with  the  design  of  reaching  conciliation,  to  the 
consideration  of  the  assembly,  whose  decision  will  however  not  be  obliga- 
tory, if  said  powers  have  not  previously  decided  so.”  Such  a condition 
was  of  a nature  to  guarantee  the  full  sovereignty  of  every  one  of  the  con- 
tracting parties,  a sovereignty  which  many  feared  to  see  sacrificed  to  the 
convention  for  compulsory  arbitration. 

Article  XXI  would  have  endowed  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  already 
formulated  at  that  time,  with  that  wide  character — I mean  the  full  re- 
sponsibility of  the  compounding  parties — which  it  does  not  yet  possess : 
“The  contracting  parties  engage  themselves,  and  make  thereto  a solemn 

J A.  Alvarez,  Le  Droit  International  Americain.  (Paris,  1910.) 


THE  PACT  OF  PANAMA 


87 


compromise,  to  maintain  and  defend  the  integrity  of  their  respective  ter- 
ritories, opposing  themselves  efficaciously  to  any  attempt  of  occupation 
without  the  corresponding  authorization  and  dependency  of  the  govern- 
ments to  whom  such  territories  belong  in  domain  and  property.  They 
otherwise  engage  themselves  to  gather  for  such  purpose,  if  necessary, 
their  forces  and  resources.” 

Article  XXII,  notwithstanding  its  equity,  has  not  yet  been  able  to 
win  a general  approval  in  the  recent  Pan-American  Conferences  which 
have  taken  place  in  the  last  twenty-five  years.  It  was  conceived  in  these 
terms : “The  contracting  parties  will  reciprocally  guarantee  the  integrity  of 
their  territories  as  soon  as,  by  virtue  of  the  special  conventions  celebrated 
between  them,  they  will  have  determined  and  deliminated  their  respective 
boundaries,  the  maintenance  of  which  will  then  be  placed  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Confederation”  [25]. 

The  adhesion  of  the  United  States  failed  to  assure  the  reality  of  the 
pact  of  Panama  and  I think  that  you  are  acquainted  with  the  reasons  of 
such  an  obstruction.  There  existed  at  that  time  in  your  South,  which  in 
public  affairs  wielded  a greater  influence  than  the  North,  a feeling  of  vio- 
lent hostility  to  anything  tending  towards  the  abolition  of  slavery.  This 
sentiment  was  stronger  than  the  aversion  to  a military  alliance  of  the  dou- 
ble continent  superimposed  on  that  commercial  alliance  which  is  now  so 
eagerly  sought.  The  same  feeling  existed  in  Brazil  and  precisely  one  of 
the  topics  to  be  discussed  at  Panama  was  the  one  referred  to.  On  the  part 
of  your  public  men  there  was  also  to  be  found  a reluctance  to  allow  the 
freedom  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico — a freedom  secured  only  in  our  own 
day— to  become  a matter  of  general  discussion. 

In  spite  of  his  Americanism — he  was  indeed  the  first  one  to  give  ex- 
pression to  the  feeling  which  received  much  later  the  name  of  Pan- 
Americanism — Bolivar  never  ceased  to  cultivate  the  spirit  of  nationalism. 
San  Martin’s  military  novitiate  in  Europe  had  rendered  his  mind  some- 
what a stranger  to  his  native  country.  Bolivar,  on  the  contrary,  always 
belonged  essentially  to  his  fatherland,  and  this  feature  added  to  his  in- 
tense power  of  magnetism  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  enhance  his 
prestige. 

When  deserted  by  his  rivals,  repudiated  by  the  nation  he  had  created, 
vowed  to  ostracism,  Bolivar  did  not  feel  the  courage  to  abandon  the  shore 
of  his  beloved  country : he  expired  at  Santa  Marta,  tortured  by  many 
grievances.  Meanwhile  San  Martin,  without  renouncing  his  love  of  coun- 
try, preferred  exile  when  he  realized  that  his  rule  was  thought  too  heavy. 

The  greatest  fault  with  Miranda  in  the  eyes  of  the  leaders  of  the 


88 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Wars  of  Independence  was  that  he  seemed  a stranger  to  them.  The  one 
day  favorite  of  Catharine  of  Russia,  the  soldier  of  the  Revolution  in  two 
worlds,  had  finally  lost  every  touch  with  his  nation,  and  his  melancholy 
fate  did  not  excite  great  compassion  when  Bolivar  delivered  him  over  to 
the  Spaniards.  This  decision  of  the  national  leader  was  as  inhuman  as 
that  of  Napoleon  ordering  the  Duke  d’Enghien  to  be  shot  in  the  moats 
of  Vincennes,  although  Bolivar  explained  his  action  by  saying  that  he 
had  seen  in  Miranda  almost  a traitor  owing  to  the  latter’s  readiness  to 
receive  overtures  from  the  enemy  and  to  renounce  the  perils  of  the  strug- 
gle [26]. 

Yet  Bolivar,  like  Napoleon,  was  capable  of  high  generosity,  not  only 
of  a private  nature,  as  his  refusal  of  every  donation  voted  by  Congress  as 
a reward  for  his  deeds,  but  of  a public  character.  “I  leave  to  your  sov- 
ereign decision,”  Bolivar  declared  in  1819  before  the  Congress  of  Angos- 
tura, where  the  organization  of  Great  Colombia  was  sketched,  “the  re- 
form or  recall  of  all  my  laws  and  decrees : but  I beseech  you  to  confirm 
absolute  liberty  of  the  slaves,  as  I would  implore  for  my  life  and  the  exis- 
tence of  the  Republic.”  To  the  Congress  of  Cucuta,  which  consolidated 
that  political  unison,  he  addressed  in  1821  from  Valencia  a message  in 
which  he  said : “The  sons  of  the  slaves  who  will  henceforward  be  born  in 
Colombia  must  be  free,  because  these  beings  belong  only  to  God  and  to 
their  parents,  and  neither  God  nor  their  parents  want  them  unhappy.” 

Other  libertadores  more  closely  in  touch  with  their  environment 
might  succeed  Bolivar,  but  they  did  not  exhibit  the  same  noble  feelings. 
The  fratricide  wars  which  followed  political  emancipation  left  in  their 
wake  material  devastation,  social  confusion,  and  moral  degradation ; the 
crimes  perpetrated  called  for  an  expiation,  and  the  high  altruistic  concep- 
tions of  Bolivar  were  not  in  harmony  with  the  surrounding  society  which 
sought  to  accomplish  them.  Bolivar  himself  had  no  illusions  regarding 
the  task  of  political  adaptation  which  he  noticed  around  him.  “Generally 
speaking,”  so  runs  his  program  of  Carthagena,  written  in  1812,  “our 
countrymen  are  not  yet  in  a condition  adequately  to  appreciate  their  new 
rights  and  privileges,  as  they  are  lacking  in  the  political  virtues  which 
ought  to  characterize  the  true  republican:  such  virtues  cannot  be  ac- 
quired under  absolute  governments,  when  the  rights  and  duties  of  the 
citizens  are  practically  unknown.” 

This  is  why  the  excellent  principles  of  international  law  proclaimed 
by  Bolivar  are  only  now  truly  put  into  practice  and  constitute  a common 
ideal,  after  having  received  new  vigor  from  the  political  society  in  which 
they  were  first  formulated  as  well  as  from  the  communities  to  which  they 


DESTINY  OF  SUPERIOR  MEN  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


89 


were  addressed.  “A  century  later  the  ideals  of  the  Libertador  subsist," 
so  wrote  recently,  at  the  occasion  of  the  centenary  of  the  Independence, 
one  of  Bolivar’s  admirers,  the  Colombian  statesman  Francisco  Jose  Ur- 
rutia3 : “but,  as  is  natural,  they  have  undergone  the  influence  of  a more 
advanced  civilization,  in  which  the  capital  preoccupation  of  the  defence 
of  the  territory  and  of  the  sovereignty  in  its  several  manifestations  is  ac- 
companied by  the  great  aspirations  of  justice,  of  peace,  and  of  progress 
which  nowadays  animate  the  society  of  nations.” 

This  same  realization  of  the  progress  already  accomplished  is  the 
keynote  of  an  eloquent  speech  by  another  South  American  statesman,  the 
well-known  Argentine,  Drago  [27],  whose  name  is  associated  with  that 
great  doctrine  of  international  law  destined  to  triumph,  and  the  germ  of 
which  is  to  be  found  in  Bolivar’s  antagonism  to  the  use  of  force  in  inter- 
national contests.  Such  were  his  words:  “South  America  begins  to 
emerge  from  this  unprejudiced  period  of  childhood  which  only  cared  for 
problems  claiming  for  immediate  solutions.  . . . All  force  and  all 

tendencies  of  civilization  concur  to  couple  patriotism,  without  diminish- 
ing its  vitality,  with  a feeling  of  benevolent  tolerance  capable  of  suppress- 
ing miserable  jealousy  and  petty  rivalries  and  suspicions,  in  order  to  draw 
humanity  together,  independent  of  racial  conception,  all  of  it  working  for 
the  common  welfare.  So,  the  old  ideal  of  Christianity  must  once  more 
become  our  inspiration  and  our  teaching  in  order  that  the  political  boun- 
daries of  the  American  continent  may  serve,  not  as  barriers  separating 
peoples,  but  as  the  counterparts  lending  greater  solidity  of  the  total  struc- 
ture, or  the  water-tight  divisions  which  in  the  well-built  ships  confine  the 
invasion  of  water  in  the  moment  of  danger  to  prevent  a shipwreck.” 

Any  idea  that  creates  proselytes,  engenders  at  the  same  time  suffer- 
ing. Every  noble  cause  counts  its  martyrs,  as  well  as  its  apostles.  The 
abolition  of  slavery  counted  amongst  you  John  Brown:  amongst  us  the 
foremost  men  of  the  Wars  of  Independence  did,  however,  suffer  what 
yours  did  not  suffer  in  the  corresponding  struggle.  And  in  summarizing 
the  causes  of  this  apparent  anomaly,  I repeat  with  pleasure  in  my  own 
words  a quotation  from  a United  States  historian.  These  causes  were 
in  fine  “the  stability  of  the  political  machinery,  the  spirit  of  the  multi- 
tudes, the  religion  of  respect  toward  liberators,  the  practical  good  sense, 
the  inadequacy  of  the  surroundings  to  the  slanders  of  demagogy,  the  lack 
of  fuel  for  the  revolutionary  fires,  the  want  of  taste  for  the  rash  and  viol- 
lent  reforms.” 

The  specific  absence  of  some  of  those  qualities  well  explains  the  very 


3 El  ideal  international  de  Bolivar.  (Quito,  1911.) 


90 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


different  spectacle  offered  in  its  development  by  the  Latin  society  of  the 
New  World.  The  above-mentioned  Colombian  writer,  Urrutia,  wrote  on 
the  subject  a melancholy  page,  which  I cannot  resist  the  temptation  of 
reading  to  you — even  because  the  chief  scope  of  these  lectures  is  to  give 
you,  as  much  as  the  shortness  of  time  and  the  competence  of  the  lecturer 
permits — an  idea  not  only  of  the  mind  of  that  Latin-American  society, 
but  of  the  literary  shape  taken  by  the  traditional  expression  of  its  intel- 
lectuality: “How  dark,  how  tragic  the  destiny  of  the  liberators  of  peo- 
ples in  South  America ! Our  soul  shrinks  with  pain  when,  looking 
towards  the  past,  we  see  the  faith  of  precursors  of  that  work  followed  by 
the  liberators  themselves,  all  touched  by  the  hand  of  an  inexorable  fate. 
The  Venezuelan,  Miranda,  ends  his  life,  as  fruitful  as  unfortunate,  in  a 
miserable  dungeon.  The  first  liberators  in  Bogota,  Quito  and  La  Paz, 
ascend  the  scaffold,  as  does  Hidalgo  in  Mexico.  Rivadavia  [28]  dies  in 
exile,  and  Belgrano  [29]  in  obscurity  and  poverty.  O’Higgins  [30]  did 
not  avoid  proscription : he  also  drank  to  the  dregs  the  bitter  cup  of  dis- 
loyalty and  ingratitude.  The  same  happened  to  San  Martin,  who  suffered 
with  stoic  fortitude,  on  foreign  soil,  the  privations  and  sorrows  of  his 
last  years.  Sucre  [31],  the  virtuous  and  magnanimous  Sucre,  fell  a vic- 
tim to  a treacherous  hand  on  the  mountains  of  Berruecos.  Bolivar,  with 
murderous  daggers  risen  against  his  heart,  his  soul  a prey  to  mortal  an- 
guish, and  his  body  overcome  by  fatigue  and  illness,  goes  in  search  of  his 
grave  on  the  shores  of  the  Caribbean  Sea:  ‘Yes,  the  grave  . . . 
that  is  all  my  countrymen  reserve  for  me,  but  I forgive  them.  . . 
Washington  was  allowed  to  expire  blessing  his  work;  Bolivar,  tortured 
by  scepticism,  had  to  doubt  his  own ; immortality  smiled  to  the  first  be- 
fore reaching  the  tomb ; the  mystery  of  the  unknown  surrounded  the  sec- 
ond and  poisoned  his  painful  agony.” 

In  Brazil  neither  Dom  Pedro  I [32]  nor  Jose  Bonifacio  [33]  es- 
caped a like  unmerciful  fate.  The  so-called  Patriarch  of  Independence 
learned  the  way  of  exile  as  soon  as  his  imperial  master  had  violently  dis- 
solved a Constituent  Assembly  which  seemed  to  aspire  to  the  role  of  a 
Convention,  for  it  was  in  this  assembly  that  the  great  statesman  of  the 
first  days  of  the  Empire  represented,  with  his  two  distinguished  brothers, 
the  liberal  vanguard  within  the  monarchical  form  of  government.  Even 
during  the  regency,  although  it  was  a parliamentary  government,  Jose 
Bonifacio  was  the  object  of  unjust  suspicions  provoked  by  his  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  Emperor,  who  had  abdicated  in  1830.  He  was  even  com- 
pelled to  give  up  the  tutorship  of  the  infant  monarch — the  future  Dom 
Pedro  II — who  had  been  entrusted  to  him  by  his  father  Dom  Pedro  I, 


DESTINY  OF  SUPERIOR  MEN  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


91 


the  same  sovereign  who  had  proclaimed  the  national  emancipation  of  Bra- 
zil, and  who  now  was  forced  to  leave  the  country  in  ostracism.  Why 
such  a divorce  between  the  superior  representatives  of  the  national  or- 
ganization and  the  nationalities  founded  by  them?  The  fact  is,  that  when 
the  lower  elements  demanded  the  price  of  their  cooperation  in  the  com- 
mon work  of  political  liberation,  they  did  not  meet  with  the  necessary 
resistance  from  the  higher  elements,  whose  ardor  had  cooled  down  after 
the  struggle,  and  who  did  not  know  on  which  foundations  to  build  during 
the  peace  which  followed  the  confusion  of  war.  Rising  against  the  earlier 
conservative  and  aristocratic  oligarchies  and  subduing  them,  the  elements 
composing  these  new  anarchical  strata  rendered  everything  anarchic. 

Bolivar  had  the  foreboding  of  this  sad  destiny  of  his  work,  because 
prevision,  an  essential  virtue  for  the  politician,  counted  among  his  high 
gifts  as  a statesman  and  projected  its  lights  over  the  noble  and  vast  plans 
in  which  his  mind  was  always  absorbed.  It  was  even  this  feature  that 
made  him  in  a certain  sense  so  superior  to  San  Martin,  whose  genius  was 
that  of  a soldier  rather  than  a statesman.4 

Bolivar  uttered  in  1822  this  prophesy:  “Neither  our  generation,  nor 
the  one  which  is  to  follow,  will  see  the  lustre  of  the  Republic  w'e  are  es- 
tablishing. I consider  America  as  a chrysalis.  . . . There  will  be  in 

the  end  a new  fusion  of  all  races,  which  will  give  birth  to  the  homogeneity 
of  the  people.”  As  regards  Brazil,  it  has  already  been  said  that  the  free- 
dom we  enjoyed  under  the  Empire  and  which  contrasted  so  much  with 
the  spectacle  offered  by  the  other  Latin-American  countries — since  those 
which  progressed  beyond  the  chrysalis  state  did  so  only  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  nineteenth  century — was  rather  granted  by  the  monarchy  than  con- 
ferred by  the  citizens.  Hence  Brazil  was  a stranger  to  the  enjoyment  of 
that  effort  of  adaptation  in  its  fullness,  which  comes  as  the  result  of  her 
own  activity.  For  this  kind  of  historic  evolution,  there  was  substituted 
the  introduction  into  her  body  of  a foreign  though  generous  blood — if  we 
may  call  foreign  an  institution  which  was  indeed  after  all  a national  ex- 
pression, although  brought  forth  by  a concurrence  of  circumstances. 

In  any  case,  Imperial  Brazil  constituted  a model  of  liberty  and  peace 
for  Latin  America  and  furnished  at  least  a real  image  of  civilization,  re- 
flected from  the  throne,  at  the  time  when  Spanish  American  Societies 
struggled  in  disorder  and  savagery.  This  period  of  anarchy  was  ushered 

4 Cf.  e.  g.,  San  Martin’s  remarkable  passage  of  the  Southern  Andes  in  1817, 
comparable  only  to  the  similar  deed  of  Bolivar  in  the  Northern  Andes — both  of 
them  reported  by  the  military  writers  of  our  day  as  far  superior  to  the  passage  of 
the  Alps  by  Hannibal  in  antiquity  and  by  Napoleon  in  modern  times. 


92 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


in  by  the  appearance  of  leaders  like  Paez  [34],  in  Venezuela,  and  Quiroga 
[35],  in  the  region  of  the  River  Plate — men  who  emerged  from  the  ranks 
of  the  illiterate  populace  and  hence  were  better  understood  and  cherished 
by  their  uncultivated  countrymen. 

The  processes  of  transformation  spread  and  became  general  in  all 
those  false  democracies  sprung  from  the  Spanish  colonial  disaggregation, 
and  neither  the  nobles  nor  the  doctrinaires,  of  the  kind  of  Monagas  [36] 
or  Alberdi  [37],  could  oppose  effective  resistance  to  these  upstart  leaders 
just  mentioned.  The  type  of  the  chief  crystallized  itself,  meanwhile,  in 
the  well  known  general,  dominating  a fascinated  and  unconscious  multi- 
tude in  which  prevailed,  regarding  social  matters,  a communist  instinct, 
and  regarding ’political  matters,  a demagogic  tendency.  Now,  demagogy, 
like  communism,  is  not  a system  which  can  resist  the  strong  pressure  of 
an  individual  energy  combined  with  firm  temper  and  well  served  by  cir- 
cumstances. 

The  temper  of  the  metal  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  use  of  the  arm. 
The  celebrated  Argentine  tyrant  Rosas  [38],  who,  although  deprived  of 
education,  belonged  to  a good  family,  rested  his  ferocious  power  on  the 
mutinous  and  bloodthirsty  mob.  His  was  one  of  the  most  miserable  and 
sinister  episodes  of  the  struggle  extending  through  all  the  former  Spanish 
Empire  between  the  new  Goths — a nickname  given  to  the  old  supporters 
of  the  metropolis — who  were  the  conservatives,  attached  to  their  political 
interests  founded  upon  social  hierarchy,  and  the  revolutionists,  ambitious 
of  power  and  contending  for  it  in  the  name  of  liberty,  in  order  to  acquire 
the  pleasures  and  benefits  which  could  be  in  this  way  obtained. 

In  such  an  onslaught  of  the  inferior  elements  of  those  political  so- 
cieties, the  tradition  of  probity  was  lost, — a tradition  which  had  distin- 
guished the  first  generation  and  still  distinguished  Rosas,  insensible  and 
cruel  but  not  dishonest  though  he  was.  Bolivar  came  out  a beggar  from 
a struggle  in  which  he  had  entered  rich,  and  maintained  himself  noble  to 
the  end.  San  Martin  suffered  real  privations  at  Boulogne.  Jose  Boni- 
facio, when  in  the  cabinet,  was  at  a loss  for  his  expenses,  because  a pick- 
pocket relieved  him  of  his  monthly  salary,  which  he  had  received  and 
carried  to  the  theater ; his  brother  Martin,  secretary  of  the  Treasury,  per- 
emptorily refused  to  give  execution  to  the  imperial  order  granting  a new 
payment  of  the  amount  lost,  but  divided  with  the  victim  his  own  salary. 
The  tyranny  of  Francia  [39]  in  Paraguay,  absorbing,  crushing  as  it  was, 
remained  nevertheless  zealously  and  absolutely  honest. 

The  period  of  peculation  and  administrative  immorality  was  initiated 
with  the  worst  tyranny,  the  tyranny  of  the  mob,  which  in  such  cases  is  so 


POLITICAL  DECADENCE  AND  DAWN  OF  REGENERATION 


93 


easily  ruled  by  envy  and  hatred.  All  regular  authority  having  disap- 
peared, the  feeling  of  authority  itself  having  vanished,  the  anarchy  which 
was  to  pervert  all  public  morality  took  its  place,  and  from  such  anarchy 
there  came  only  temporary  relief  in  crises  of  despotism  and  prepotency. 

So,  the  federalist  bond  that  should  have  fastened  the  administrative 
units  in  a vigorous  and  splendid  political  chain,  degenerated  through  all 
republican  Latin  America  into  a round  of  Satrapies,  where  everything  was 
dependent  on  the  whims  and  abuses  of  the  chief  satellites  of  the  greater 
chief.  Such  corruption  brought  on  the  ruin  of  all  that  representative  sys- 
tem, depriving  both  the  executive  and  legislative  branches  of  their  legal 
titles  and,  in  the  incisive  word  of  a late  Brazilian  political  writer,  making 
any  rebellions  against  those  constitutional  powers  as  legitimate  or  at  least 
as  illegitimate  as  they  themselves  were. 

On  the  other  side,  political  sophistication  incited  satraps  to  defend 
to  the  utmost  local  autonomy,  as  such  autonomy  implied  their  own  omni- 
potence. No  wonder  that,  conceived  and  applied  in  this  way,  federalism 
has  given  birth  to  civil  wars,  homeopathic  republics,  and  a hospital  of  na- 
tionalities counterfeit  after  the  image  and  resemblance  of  the  United 
States — so  writes  the  above  named  publicist,  who  was  an  eminent  jurist 
with  a personal  parliamentary  tradition.6 

The  life  of  those  countries  was  soiled  and  spoiled  by  a radical  and  in 
a certain  sense  hereditary  vice,  that  of  political  activity  without  civic  edu- 
cation. This  vice  renders  oppositions  seditious  and  governments  arbitrary 
in  our  societies,  establishing  such  deep  contrast  between  the  private  man- 
ners of  the  citizens,  open,  pleasant,  generous  and  tolerant,  and  their  public 
manners,  intransigent,  violent,  persecuting  and  even  sanguinary. 

There  exists,  however,  exemption  for  this  original  sin.  Through  our 
continent,  demoralized  by  the  degradation  of  political  habits,  a conse- 
quence of  the  disfigurement  of  the  noblest  ideals  by  means  of  ignorance 
and  greediness,  a tendency  toward  moralization  by  labor  and  education 
has  been  progressively  taking  shape.  Brazil  cannot  offer  a proof  as  sug- 
gestive as  other  countries,  of  the  incontestible  results  obtained  in  this  di- 
rection, because  her  past  of  yesterday,  under  the  monarchy,  was  worthy 
of  being  envied ; but  the  Argentine  Republic,  for  instance,  is  a living  doc- 
ument, for  it  is  not  long  since  she  contrived  to  free  herself  from  the  mire 
in  which  she  had  sunk,  and  to  present  before  the  world  a comforting  spec- 
tacle played  by  practical  sense,  professional  education  and  industrious 
activity. 

6 Dr.  A.  Coelho  Rodrigues,  Memoircs  sur  funion  et  la  pacification  de  I’Atneri- 
gue  Latine  et  de  I'Europe,  addresses  an  XXIe  Congres  universel  de  la  Paix  de  IQI2. 


LECTURE  V 


The  work  of  neo-Latin  emancipation  and  the  Iberian-American  element. — An- 
dres Bello  and  Mariano  Moreno,  types  of  superior  colonial  intellects. — The  books 
which  San  Martin  and  Bolivar  read. — Critical  sense  of  Bolivar. — The  poem  Junin, 
by  Olmedo. — Constituent  assemblies  and  constitutions. — The  “Middle  Ages”  of  the 
new  Spanish-Portuguese  World. — Its  first  intellectual  currents. — The  liberal  ideas 
of  the  generation  of  the  Independence  and  the  part  taken  by  the  colonial  repre- 
sentatives in  the  Cortes  of  Cadiz  and  Lisbon. — Character  of  the  literature  of  the 
new  countries. — Heroic  poetry  and  the  Indianist  school. — The  tradition  of  the 
mother-tongue  among  the  neo-Spanish  peoples. — The  cult  of  the  Past. — French 
influence  in  literature  and  politics. — The  Eclecticism  of  Cousin  and  the  Positivist 
training. — Effect  of  English  and  German  philosophies. — European  Idealism  in  Ame- 
rica.— Science  and  mental  speculation. — Traditionalism  and  Modernism. 

he  possibility  of  a general  insurrection  of  the  Spanish  possessions 


of  America, — as  general  as  if  obeying  a preconcerted  compact,  and 


based  upon  motives  apparently  as  legitimate  and,  in  any  case,  as  well 
founded,  as  the  noble  repudiation  of  foreign  usurpation  which  had  taken 
place  in  the  mother  country, — is  in  itself  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  colo- 
nization work,  which,  in  her  own  image  and  likeness,  Spain  had  under- 
taken across  the  sea.  We  see  that  the  separation  was  followed  by  the 
political  and  social  organization  of  a number  of  more  or  less  progressive 
nations  whose  organization  was  excellent  in  theory  but  only  indifferently 
efficacious  in  practice. 

The  work  of  the  mother-country  was  a great  work,  even  as  that  of 
her  children  turned  out  to  be,  for  it  may  be  said  that  Conquest  and  Eman- 
cipation rival  each  other  in  their  power  and  far  reaching  influence.  And 
if,  as  the  distinguished  Venezuelan,  Angel  Cesar  Rivas,  in  his  admirable 
address  on  the  occasion  of  his  entry  into  the  Caracas  Historical  Academy, 
has  well  said,  that  if  there  is  anything  that  serves  to  differentiate  races 
into  superior  and  inferior,  it  is  unquestionably  a capacity  for  accomplish- 
ing  great  social  or  political  undertakings  which  have  as  their  chief  ele- 
ments perseverance,  energy,  aptitude  for  self-control,  and  that  combina- 
tion of  rules  of  procedure  respected  from  earliest  times  as  the  basis  of  the 
aggregate  of  ethical  conceptions  which  is  called  morality.  The  same 
statement  was  made  by  the  illustrious  Andres  Bello  [i]  at  a time  when 


TYPES  OF  SUPERIOR  COLONIAL  INTELLECT 


95 


there  was  less  cordiality  between  the  mother-country  and  the  over-sea  off- 
shoots, than  in  these  days,  when  we  have  just  witnessed,  at  the  celebration 
of  Independence  at  Caracas,  the  kindred  of  Bolivar  fraternizing  with  the 
descendants  of  General  Morillo  [2].  His  declaration  is  the  more  note- 
worthy because  Andres  Bello  was  Venezuelan  by  birth,  Chilian  by  adop- 
tion, American  in  heart  and  soul,  the  living  exponent  of  the  intellectual 
and  moral  identity  of  Spanish  America. 

This  celebrated  poet,  grammarian,  jurist  and  professor,  wrote  that 
a people  thoroughly  degraded  and  devoid  of  courageous  sentiment  never 
would  have  been  capable  of  performing  the  great  deeds  that  distinguished 
the  campaigns  of  the  patriots,  the  heroic  acts  of  self-forgetfulness,  the 
sacrifices  of  every  kind  whereby  the  different  American  sections  won 
their  political  emancipation.  “Every  one  who  observes  with  philosophic 
eye  the  history  of  our  struggle  against  the  parent-land,”  writes  Don  An- 
dres Bello,  “will  recognize  without  difficulty  that  what  enabled  us  to  con- 
quer in  it,  was  precisely  the  Iberian  element.  The  officers  and  veteran 
legions  of  the  trans-Atlantic  Iberia  were  conquered  and  humiliated  by  the 
leaders  and  improvised  armies  of  that  other  young  Iberia,  which,  while 
abjuring  the  name,  still  preserved  the  indomitable  spirit  of  the  Old  Spain 
in  the  defence  of  their  homes.” 

Andres  Bello  is  himself  one  of  the  best  examples  of  the  actual  value 
of  preparation,  of  which  the  educated  colonial  element  gave  proof  at  the 
period  of  the  secession  and  political  and  social  reconstruction  of  the  new 
nationalities.  Another  notable  example  is  found  in  Mariano  Moreno  [3], 
Secretary  of  the  revolutionary  Junta  of  Buenos  Aires,  who,  in  spite  of  his 
youth,  for  he  was  scarcely  32  years  of  age  when  he  died,  displayed  a re- 
markable promptness,  decision  and  clearness  of  vision  especially  in  all  that 
pertained  to  intellectual  emancipation.  This  noble-minded  Argentine  de- 
fended liberty  of  thought  as  applied  to  the  press,  libraries,  and  schools  in 
the  following  terms : “Let  us  for  once  be  less  partisan  of  our  antiquated 
ideas;  let  there  be  less  self-complacency;  give  free  entrance  to  Truth  and 
to  the  introduction  of  Light  and  Learning ; let  there  be  no  repression  of 
innocent  liberty  of  thought  upon  subjects  of  universal  interest;  let  us  not 
believe  that  this  can  ever  attack,  with  impunity,  Merit  and  Virtue,  because 
with  these  gifts  themselves  testifying  in  their  own  favor,  and  always 
having  the  people  as  their  impartial  judge,  the  writings  of  those  who  un- 
worthily presume  to  attack  them  will  cause  their  own  destruction.  Truth, 
as  well  as  Virtue,  holds  within  itself  its  most  convincing  defence ; dis- 
cussion and  scrutiny  only  cause  the  splendor  and  glory  of  both  to  become 
all  the  more  apparent ; if  restrictions  are  placed  upon  speech,  the  spirit 


96 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


will  vegetate  as  does  matter ; and  error,  falsehood,  selfish  preoccupation, 
fanaticism  and  brutalization  will  constitute  the  watchword  of  the  people 
and  will  cause  their  irrevocable  decadence,  ruin,  and  misery.” 

It  might  be  said  that  we  were  listening  to  one  of  your  earliest  de- 
fenders of  political  liberties,  to  a Thomas  Paine  or  Patrick  Henry,  with  all 
their  practical  moderation  joined  to  civic  enthusiasm,  rather  than  to  one 
of  the  ardent  disciples  of  the  French  Revolution,  still  less  to  a fanatic  of 
the  Convention.  As  a matter  of  fact,  all  the  self-taught  Latin-Americans 
— for  in  reality,  that  is  what  they  were  for  the  most  part,  as  was  also  the 
case  with  many  of  the  European  thinkers  of  that  period — had  imbibed  the 
French  inspiration  far  more  than  your  own. 

We  are  ignorant  of  the  books  which  formed  the  minds  of  many  of 
the  children  of  the  Spanish-Colonial  revolution,  but  our  ignorance  for- 
tunately does  not  extend  to  the  principal  actors  in  the  drama.  We  know 
that  San  Martin  delighted  in  the  military  work  of  Guibert  [4] , the  one  to 
whom  were  addressed  these  burning  epistles  of  Mile,  de  Lespinasse,  and 
that  it  was  in  the  Manual  of  Epictetus  that  his  soul  sought  the  lessons  of 
stoicism  which  made  it  invulnerable.  As  to  Bolivar,  the  curiosity  of  his 
spirit  divided  itself  among  the  utilitarian  doctrines  of  Bentham,  the  sub- 
versive principles  of  French  Encyclopaedists,  the  self-centered  meta- 
physics of  Helvetius,  the  scepticism  of  Hume,  the  melancholy  and  dan- 
gerous vagaries  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau,  the  ethics  of  Spinoza,  the  ma- 
terialism of  Holbach,  the  rationalism  of  Hobbes,  and  the  wide  and  sure 
political  vision  of  Montesquieu. 

We  are  not  surprised,  in  view  of  this  wide  culture,  at  the  literary 
expression  in  which  this  great  South  American  warrior  and  statesman 
knew  how  to  clothe  and  was  in  the  habit  of  clothing  his  thoughts  and 
ideas.  We  are  not  even  surprised  by  the  critical  sense  evidenced  by  him 
in  his  delicious  irony  regarding  the  otherwise  very  beautiful  pindaric 
poem  of  Olmedo  [5],  entitled  “Junin,”  in  which  the  beauties  of  versifi- 
cation redeem  the  affectations  of  style.  I cannot  resist  the  temptation  of 
reading  you  a page  of  Bolivar’s  reply  to  his  poet-friend,  asking  you  to  note 
that  the  letter  is  dated  from  Cuzco,  the  classic  Inca  Land  of  the  Sun — 
the  land  of  fable  and  story,  as  it  is  called  in  this  letter,  and  that  scarcely  a 
year  had  passed  since  the  battle  of  Ayacucho  [6] , which  raised  the  Libera- 
tor to  the  pinnacle  of  Glory.  Observe,  notwithstanding,  the  gracious  play- 
fulness with  which  he  addresses  his  bard : 

“You  explode  . . . where  there  has  not  been  the  slightest  dis- 
charge of  a gun ; you  set  fire  to  the  earth  with  the  sparks  from  the  axle 


TYPES  OF  SUPERIOR  COLONIAL  INTELLECT 


97 


and  wheels  of  a chariot  of  Achilles,  which  never  rolled  in  Junin ; you  lay 
hold  upon  all  the  personages  and  make  of  me  a Jupiter,  of  Sucre,  a God 
Mars  . . . We  all  have  a divine  or  heroic  spirit  which  shelters  us  with 
protecting  wings  like  a guardian  angel.  You  adapt  us  to  your  poetic  and 
fantastic  style,  and  in  order  to  prolong  in  the  land  of  poetry  the  fictions  of 
the  fable,  you  raise  us  with  your  false  divinity  (the  divine  father  of  the  first 
Inca,  Manco-Capac)  as  the  eagle  of  Jupiter  carried  to  the  heavens  the 
tortoise  which  it  must  needs  let  fall  upon  a rock  where  the  poor  thing  broke 
its  claws.  In  the  same  way  you  make  us  beings  so  sublime  that  you 
plunge  us  into  the  abyss  of  nothingness,  drowning  in  an  ocean  of  light  the 
pale  lustre  of  our  not  too  transparent  virtues.  You  thus  reduce  us  to  ashes, 
my  dear  friend,  with  the  lightening  of  your  Jupiter,  the  sword  of  your 
Mars,  the  sceptre  of  your  Agamemnon,  the  lance  of  your  Achilles,  and  the 
wisdom  of  your  Ulysses.  If  I were  not  so  good,  and  you  were  not  so 
much  of  a poet,  I would  go  so  far  as  to  think  that  you  desired  to  make 
a parody  on  the  Iliad  with  the  heroes  of  our  poor  farce.  But  no ; that 
I do  not  believe.  You  are  a poet,  and  you  know  as  well  as  did  Bonaparte 
that  there  is  only  a step  from  the  heroic  to  the  ludicrous,  and  that  Manolo 
and  the  Cid  are  brothers,  although  born  from  different  fathers.  An 
American  will  read  your  poem  as  a canto  of  Homer,  and  a Spaniard,  as  a 
canto  of  Boileau’s  Hyssope.”1 

This  extract  is  sufficient  to  give  you  a clear  idea  of  the  capacity  for 
intellectual  activity  of  that  generation  of  colonists ; of  their  capacity  for 
moral  activity,  of  which  none  but  a cultivated  people  would  be  suscepti- 
ble, you  can  form  an  idea,  remembering  that  it  was  so  great  as  to  cause 
the  patriotic  fervor  manifested  in  the  liberation  of  the  New  World  of 
Columbus  to  be  rightly  regarded  as  equal  to  that  manifested  in  the  re- 
conquering from  the  Moors  of  the  Iberian  Peninsula.  Nor  does  a cen- 
tury— for  that  is  the  period  passed  since  the  dawn  of  Iberian  Colonial 
emancipation — seem  too  long  a time  for  a continent  to  reestablish  itself 
after  such  an  upheaval. 

It  is  evident  that  when  one  speaks  of  cultivated  people  and  of  patri- 
otic fervor,  reference  is  made  to  a restricted  minority,  whose  worth  it  is 
given  us  to  measure  by  the  above-mentioned  names  of  Bolivar  and  Andres 
Bello.  This  man  of  many-sided  talent  denounced,  as  a poet,  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Didacticians  of  the  eighteenth  century  in  France,  of  whom 
Delille  was  the  mouth-piece.  As  a jurist,  it  was  he  who  proclaimed  in 
South  America  the  first  principles  of  that  law  of  nations  which  became 
one  of  the  favorite  fields  for  the  intellectual  activity  of  the  societies  which 


1 Le  Lutrin. 


98 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


there  flourished  and  where  they  succeeded  not  only  in  introducing  liberal 
ideas,  but  in  attaining  tangible  results.  Finally,  as  a philologist,  he  edited 
the  best  grammar  of  the  Castilian  language,  which  that  other  master  of 
neo-Spanish  philology,  Rufino  Cuervo  [7],  of  Colombia,  lately  deceased, 
reedited  and  modernized,  amplifying  it  by  his  profound  learning,  both 
men  revealing  thereby  a feature  upon  which  I will  touch  later,  that  is,  the 
devotion  to  the  nation’s  past,  manifesting  itself  through  devotion  to  the 
national  tongue. 

The  legislative  assemblies  that  met  here  and  there  in  different  places 
of  their  sessions  contain  many  praiseworthy  documents  of  learning  and 
may  be  regarded  as  unmistakable  exponents  of  the  colonial  culture.  Many 
of  their  members  had  never  crossed  the  ocean ; nevertheless,  the  reports 
of  their  sessions  contain  many  praiseworthy  documents  of  learning  and 
ability,  side  by  side  with  the  inevitable  childishness  and  ingenuousness  of 
political  inexperience. 

In  Venezuela,  the  minutes  of  the  first  Congress  which  proclaimed  the 
separation,  were  republished  the  past  year,  from  which  we  see  that  courage 
and  confidence  were  not  wanting  in  this  Constituent  Assembly.  Without 
the  Congress  of  Tucuman  [8],  the  Argentine  Confederation  would  have 
fallen  entirely  to  pieces,  completely  justifying  the  saying  of  Bolivar  that 
in  the  Spanish  American  lands  a great  monarchy  would  have  been  difficult, 
and  a great  republic  impossible.  In  Brazil,  the  Assembly  of  1823  [9],  al- 
though dissolved  as  seditious  and,  in  fact,  very  jealous  of  her  liberty  of 
action  and  very  suspicious  of  imperial  loyalty,  comes  near  to  being,  for 
those  who  today  scan  the  records  impartially,  a model  legislative  assembly, 
not  only  for  its  tried  patriotism,  but  also  because  of  the  clearness  of  its 
political  vision. 

The  project  of  the  Constitution  which  it  drew  up  served  to  shape 
that  which  had  been  elaborated  by  the  first  State  council  of  the  Empire, 
sanctioned  by  the  sovereign,  and  accepted  by  the  municipal  chambers  of 
the  country,  after  it  had  been  expurgated,  of  course,  of  everything  that 
resembled  democratic  excrescences,  but  preserving  alive  all  the  liberal 
spirit  which  shone  so  brightly  at  that  time,  the  flame  of  which  was  only 
fanned  into  greater  brightness  by  the  reaction  which  sought  to  extin- 
guish it.  This  liberal  spirit  finds  marked  expression  in  the  religious  tol- 
erance which  throughout  Latin  America  took  the  place  of  a fanaticism 
that  had  become  traditional,  although  this  was  not  so  complete  or  blind, 
as  many  have  tried  to  make  us  believe.  The  following  admirable  words 
are  Bolivar’s : “In  a political  constitution  no  religious  creed  should  be 
prescribed.  . . . Religion  is  the  law  of  conscience.  All  law  pertaining  to 


99 


THE  "MIDDLE  AGES"  OF  THE  NEW  WORLD 


Religion  annuls  Conscience,  because  in  making  duty  a necessity,  all  merit  '> 
is  taken  away  from  Faith,  which  is  the  basis  of  religion.”  / 

It  is  curious  to  observe  that  in  the  assemblies  in  which  the  organic 
laws  of  independent  Latin  America  were  modeled,  the  predominant  moral 
influence  was  not  so  much  yours,  as  it  was  directly  French.  These  laws 
were  among  the  finest  triumphs  of  the^EncycIopedists.  Emancipation 
of  thought,  the  forerunner  of  political  emancipation,  was  developed  under 
the  influence  of  these  reformers,  and  their  work — namely,  the  naturalist 
theories  of  Rousseau,  the  impassioned  doctrines  of  Diderot,  the  negativist 
synthesis  of  d’Alembert — was  that  which  first  changed  the  guides  of  the 
movement  towards  separation,  so  that  they  became  strangers  to  their  own 
fellow  citizens,  among  whom  the  rule  was  intellectual,  quite  as  much  as 
administrative,  subserviency. 

I have  already  had  occasion  to  speak  of  this  lack  of  correspondence 
with  environment.  This  was  the  first  of  the  difficulties  against  which  the 
Latin-American  reformers  had  to  struggle  when  they  tried  to  free  them- 
selves from  the  trammels  of  a century  of  mental  and  moral  stagnation, 
as  the  third  colonial  century  has  been  termed,  following,  as  it  did,  a first 
age  of  struggle  and  lack  of  discipline,  and  a second  age  especially  notable 
for  its  colonizing  activity. 

Francisco  Garcia  Calderon  aptly  styled  all  this  period  the  “American 
Middle  Ages,”  and  indeed  it  vividly  recalls  to  our  minds  that  historical 
age,  a kind  of  a crust  under  which  intense  fermentation  was  seething. 
To  use  another  figure,  it  was  as  if  beneath  the  slimy  surface  of  a body  of 
water  were  circulating  currents  unseen  and  unnoted  by  the  ordinary  ob- 
server, yet  possessing  sufficient  force  to  transform  the  apparent  calm 
into  a boisterous  sea.  Then  we  see  huge  waves  arising — the  waves  of 
Humanism  and  Reform — and  despite  Catholic  and  Absolutist  reaction, 
the  agitation  does  not  grow  more  calm,  but  instead  bursts  into  the  storm 
of  1789,  the  effect  of  which  was  felt  in  Latin  America  as  the  reflex  flow 
of  a distant,  violent  tempest. 

Across  the  seas,  as  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula,  the  defence  of  Cath- 
olicism and  even  of  Absolutism,  had  been  confided  to  that  special  insti- 
tution called  the  Inquisition,  which  did  not  actually  exist  in  Portuguese 
America;  those  guilty  of  being  Jews  and  heretics  were  transported  to 
the  Kingdom  of  Portugal  for  punishment.  Scholasticism  brooded  over 
education,  while  erudition  undertook  to  satisfy  mental  curiosity,  thereby 
occupying  minds  by  means  of  futile  dialectics  and  rhetorical  exposition. 

Duns  Scott  and  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  consequently,  were  the  principal 


authors,  transported  from  the  Spanish  to  the  Spanish  American  univer- 


IOO 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


sities,  although  Descartes  and  Locke,  that  is,  Rationalism  and  Sensualism, 
were  not  unknown  in  the  New  World,  for  these  ideas  seem  to  have  been 
discussed  in  Mexico  by  the  priest  Gamarra  [io],  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury. 


Nor  did  the  development  of  thought  in  northern  Europe  fail  to  be 
reflected  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  but  in  the  colonies  its  image  was  less 
clear,  because  there  it  was  only  the  reflection  of  that  other  reflection.  In 
any  case,  as  Sehor  Francisco  Garcia  Calderon  tells  us  in  an  excellent  paper 
on  the  intellectual  currents  of  Latin  America  presented  to  the  Philosoph- 
ical Congress  of  Heidelburg,  and  included  in  his  volume  upon  “The  Pro- 
fessors of  Idealism,”  the  Natural  Law  School  originated  new  ideas  about 
the  Indians  which  could  not  fail  to  suggest  new  sentiments  in  regard  to 
them,  and  the  Cartesian  Scepticism,  as  well  as  the  scientific  discoveries 
of  Newton,  were  explained  and  discussed  in  colonial  publications  towards 
the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  social  development  of  this  period,  which  was  especially  fruitful 
in  political  changes,  found,  therefore,  a field  already  prepared  for  the  ger- 
minating of  ideas  of  liberty  of  thought  and  democratic  liberty  of  the 
French  philosophers.  Their  extreme  theories,  through  their  very  vio- 
lence, were  more  acceptable  to  spirits  ready  to  give  eager  welcome  to  revo- 
lutionary ideas  than  the  well-weighed  opinions  of  Washington,  Adams  and 
Hamilton,  and  even  of  Jefferson,  who  not  having  been  in  vain  a compatriot 
and  contemporary  of  Franklin,  passed  these  European  extravagancies 
through  the  sieve  of  his  wholesome  poise  and  solid  good  sense. 

It  was  men  educated  in  the  principles  of  this  greatest  of  revolutions — 
principles,  however,  now  partially  modified  by  the  Napoleonic  restoration 
of  order — whom  the  colonies  sent  to  the  Constitutional  Cortes  of  Cadiz  and 
Lisbon,  to  be  the  interpreters  of  their  culture  and  aspirations,  and  who 
played  a conspicuous  part  in  both  of  these  Assemblies  which,  while  revo- 
lutionary in  origin,  were  practically  constructive  in  purpose. 

The  Brazilian  deputies  who,  in  1821,  took  their  seats  in  the  Portu- 
guese Constituent  Assembly  [ 1 1 ] , supplied  the  better  part  of  the  Parlia- 
mentary element  of  the  Empire.  They  were  not  able  to  be  present  at  the 
debates  until  the  end,  nor  to  defend  to  the  utmost  by  word  of  mouth  or 
wisdom  of  procedure  their  national  rights,  because  the  ill-treatment  of 
their  colleagues  and  the  insults  of  the  populace  were  insufferable.  The 
separation  of  the  two  countries  was  becoming  more  clearly  defined  across 
the  seas.  In  proportion  as  the  old  country  tried  to  place  the  new  kingdom 
of  Brazil  under  former  colonial  dependence,  the  breach  kept  widening, 
and  the  circle  of  complete  rupture  closing  in.  It  was  thus  that  the  liberal 
Portuguese  attempted  to  put  liberty  in  practice. 


■h 


COLONIAL  REPRESENTATIVES  AT  CADIZ  AND  LISBON 


IOI 


In  Spain,  the  situation  was  somewhat  different.  On  the  one  hand 
the  Colonies  had  given  proof  of  Unionist  sympathies  in  the  worst  of  the 
crisis,  both  by  resisting  the  seductions  of  French  agents,  such  as  that 
Marquis  de  Sassenay  who  was  appointed  by  Napoleon  to  Buenos  Aires 
then  under  the  Viceroy  Liniers  [12],  as  well  as  by  the  gift  of  ninety  mil- 
lions to  aid  in  the  expenses  of  the  Peninsular  War.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  spite  of  the  admitted  and  recognized  principles  of  perfect  political  and 
civil  equality  between  Spaniards  and  Americans  being  denied  in  prac- 
tice, and  in  spite  of  the  merchants  of  Cadiz  having  secured  the  revocation 
of  the  decree  of  freedom  of  commerce  between  the  colonial  possessions 
and  foreign  countries,  there  was  in  Spain,  nevertheless,  a certain  feeling 
that  sympathized  with  at  least  some  of  the  colonial  aspirations,  some 
expression  of  which  we  meet  with  even  in  official  documents. 

While  in  Portugal  jealousy  prevailed  because  Brazil  had  become 
the  seat  of  monarchy  and  because  the  King  was  apparently  well  satisfied 
to  remain  there,  in  Spain,  a common  evil,  that  of  the  lack  of  a legitimate 
sovereign  and  subjection  to  foreign  dominion,  in  the  one  case  actually 
existing,  in  the  other  virtually  so,  tended  to  draw  the  mother  country  and 
colonies  into  closer  relations.  As  a matter  of  fact,  in  1810  many  people, 
even  those  of  the  Peninsula,  believed  the  old  Spanish  independence  to  be 
irrevocably  lost ; but  the  excuse  given  for  the  hostility  of  the  American 
possessions  to  the  Regency  at  Cadiz  was  that  their  vote  and  opinion  had 
not  been  taken  in  its  organization.  The  declaration  of  Caracas  stated 
most  clearly  that  the  Spaniards  across  the  sea  were  not  colonists,  but  inte- 
gral parts  of  the  Spanish  Kingdom,  and  as  such,  upon  the  fall  of  the  mon- 
arch, they  were  called  upon  to  exercise  provisional  sovereignty. 

The  Spanish-American  representatives  at  the  Cortes  of  Cadiz,  be- 
cause of  what  has  been  indicated,  were  more  fortunate  in  the  beginning 
than  the  Brazilian  delegation  at  Lisbon.  It  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  former 
to  act  as  a pendulum,  oscillating  between  antagonistic  opinions,  holding 
the  balance  of  power  and  playing  a part  similar  to  that  of  the  Irish  party 
in  the  present  House  of  Commons,  precisely  dealing  with  the  identical 
question  of  “Home  Rule.” 

The  over-sea  deputies  voted  naturally  with  the  Liberals  in  questions 
touching  great  reforms  of  common  interest,  but  in  matters  of  practical  or 
current  legislation  they  occasionally  joined  with  the  opposite  party.  A 
Spanish  historian  writes  that  they  put  a price  on  their  support,  for  they 
always  exacted  as  advance  payment,  some  concession  which  it  was  often 
impossible  to  grant,  giving  it  to  be  understood  that  thus  trafficking  with 
their  votes,  they  hoped  to  accomplish  through  Parliament  almost  the  same 


102 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


for  their  country,  or  one  might  say  for  their  countries,  as  the  insurgents 
at  the  front  were  fighting  for.  The  fact  is  that  if  the  reforms  attempted 
at  that  time  had  been  realized  earlier,  the  separation  would  have  at  least 
suffered  great  delay,  for  such  reforms  involved  a political  bond  similar  to 
that  which  binds  Canada  and  Australia  to  the  British  Crown.  However, 
history  records  what  was,  not  what  ought  to  have  been.  In  one  of  the 
beautiful  “National  Episodes”  of  the  Spanish  novelist  Perez  Galdos,  there 
figures  a personage  whose  ambition  is  to  write  a History  of  Spain  to  suit 
the  ideals  to  which  she  should  have  attained.2  Quixotism  could  scarcely 
be  carried  to  greater  lengths.  In  this  imaginative  history,  Ferdinand  VII, 
after  being  sentenced  and  ordered  to  be  shot,  is  described  as  marching  to 
punishment  to  the  roll  of  arms  and  appealing  to  the  judgment  of  posterity. 
How  different  was  the  reality — a disloyal  king  strangling  every  attempt 
at  representative  rule.  For  the  Cortes  of  Cadiz  was  quite  different  from 
the  ancient  Spanish  Cortes.  This  latter  body,  like  the  analogous  insti- 
tution of  Portugal,  never  really  represented  the  entire  country,  but  only 
those  cities,  towns,  corporations,  or  individuals,  that  through  merit  or 
favor  had  attained  to  such  right.  Nevertheless,  while  there  were  in  the 
older  times  classes  that  still  remained  servants  of  those  classes  who  were 
able  to  appear  in  the  Cortes  and  claim  immunities  and  privileges,  in  this 
manner  affecting  the  social  equilibrium,  a principle  new  to  these  Penin- 
sular gatherings,  that  of  national  sovereignity,  was  affirmed  by  the  As- 
semblies at  Cadiz  and  Lisbon.  In  fact  the  first  act  of  the  Spanish  Cortes 
was  to  assume  such  sovereignty,  declaring  null  and  void  the  ceding  of  the 
Crown  of  Spain  in  Napoleon’s  favor,  “not  only  because  of  the  violence 
which  had  characterized  the  unjust  and  illegal  acts  of  Bayonne,  but  prin- 
cipally because  the  consent  of  the  people  was  wanting.”  The  people  had 
finally  risen  for  the  restoration  of  national  dignity,  honor,  and  liberties,  at 
the  same  time  that  they  were  restoring  the  national  monarchy. 

If  in  Spain,  Fernando  VII  acted  in  relation  to  the  Parliamentary 
movement  as  he  acted  in  every  emergency,  namely,  with  hypocrisy  and 
malice,  in  Portugal  Dom  John  VI,  who  was  immeasurably  more  intelligent 
and  good-hearted,  lacked  energy  enough  either  to  remedy  the  excesses  of 
the  demagogues  or  to  check  the  absolutist  reaction.  His  natural  weakness 
of  character  here  reached  its  most  acute  stage.  The  result  was  that 
whether  because  of  the  procedure  of  their  sovereigns  or  because  of  deeply- 
rooted  instincts  which  demanded  that  patriotism  be  uncompromising,  the 

’This  same  method  of  investing  history  with  the  garb  of  romance  has  been 
successfully  applied  to  the  United  States — with  even  a smaller  admixture  of  fiction — 
by  your  author  Edwin  Markham  in  his  series  “The  Real  America  in  Romance.” 


HEROIC  POETRY  AND  THE  INDIANIST  SCHOOL 


103 


Spanish  and  Portugese  Kingdoms  showed  themselves  to  be  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  political  justice  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  this  would  have  resulted 
in  equal  advantage  to  both  of  them.  The  separation  took  place  in  Spanish 
America  under  conditions  of  unusual  violence,  leaving  a bitterness  of  ani- 
mosity even  in  Portuguese  America.  In  the  state  of  mind  subsequent  to 
and  determined  by  this  chief  event,  which  created  in  both  communities  a 
situation  identical  in  nature,  only  different  in  intensity,  we  trace  the  origin 
of  the  intellectual  aspect  peculiar  to  Latin  America  during  the  last  century. 
In  any  consideration  of  the  prolongation  of  the  Latin  civilization  to  the 
over-seas  countries,  the  circumstances  under  which  the  separation  was 
effected  inevitably  assume  a certain  importance.  This  is  especially  true  as 
regards  both  the  distinctive  form  given  to  literary  expression  by  the  tem- 
peramental peculiarities  of  the  colonists,  as  well  as  the  local  traditions 
already  long  established  for  so  new  a country. 

Among  the  Spanish  descendants,  who  were  more  warlike  by  nature, 
and  whose  struggle  for  independence  had  been  more  obstinate,  it  was 
natural  that  the  heroic  element  should  prevail.  The  stanzas  of  Olmedo, 
celebrating  the  victories  of  Junin  and  Ayacucho,  symbolize  the  poetic 
school  evolved  by  this  patriotic  sentiment  which  had  as  its  ultimate  ex- 
pression in  prose  the  work  entitled  “Venezuela  Heroica,”  of  Don  Eduardo 
Blanco  [13],  a brilliant  writer  whom  his  country  crowned  just  before  his 
death.  Bolivar  is  always  the  epic  figure  which  evokes  the  memory  of  the 
not  far-distant  past:  the  Spaniard  was  at  that  period  the  target  for  all 
sorts  of  maledictions.  “War  to  the  Usurper,”  exclaims  the  Inca  Huaina 
Capac  [14],  when  he  appears  before  the  conquerors  on  the  night  of  Junin. 
“Do  we,  perchance,  owe  him  for  any  benefits — light,  customs,  laws,  re- 
ligion? No,  nothing!  He  was  ignorant,  full  of  vices,  fierce,  super- 
stitious. His  faith,  atrocious  blasphemy,  is  not  the  faith  of  Christ. 
Blood,  lead,  steel,  these  are  his  saints,  his  dearest  sacraments.” 

Among  the  descendants  of  Portugal  who  were  more  sentimental  by 
nature  and  whose  emancipation  was  almost  bloodless,  Indianism  or  the 
idealizing  of  the  Savage  as  the  heroic  type,  predominates.  Indeed,  this 
was  not  entirely  unknown  in  Spanish  America,  where  it  served  as  inspi- 
ration to  some  of  her  best  poets,  such  as  Juan  Leon  Mera  of  Ecuador,  the 
author  of  the  “Virgin  of  the  Sun”  [15].  However,  the  tendency  was  not 
so  general  as  in  Brazil,  where  it  is  prominent  in  the  best  writers — in  verse, 
in  the  lyrics  of  Gonsalves  Dias,  in  prose,  in  the  novels  of  Jose  de  Alencar 
[16] — coming  to  be  a recognized  feature  of  the  national  literature,  at 
least  in  its  most  flourishing  period,  that  of  Romanticism.  In  the  poet,  the 


104 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Indian  sentiment  was  more  natural  and  spontaneous  because  of  the  ad- 
mixture of  Portugese  and  Indian  in  his  blood ; more  conventional  and 
artificial,  but  none  the  less  beautifully  expressed,  in  the  prose  writer  who 
was  of  pure  European  race.  But  in  both,  the  tendency  was  the  same,  and 
the  most  competent  of  Brazilian  critics,  Sr.  Jose  Verissimo  [17],  defines 
it  in  the  following  extract,  from  one  of  his  volumes  on  “Studies  in  Bra- 
zilian Literature.” 

“For  the  first  time  our  poetry  breathes  the  pungent  odors  and  soft 
perfumes  of  our  virgin  forest,  the  air  of  our  campos,  the  affected,  sensual 
sentimentality  of  our  amorous  passions,  of  our  griefs  . . . something 
in  fact,  that  was  thoroughly  native — our  popular  poetry,  our  ballads,  risen 
as  it  were,  to  the  level  of  great  poetry,  imbuing  it  with  their  sentiment  and 
melancholy.  The  idealizing  of  the  savage  awoke  in  our  souls  for  the  first 
time  some  feeling  for  these  unfortunate  creatures,  and  the  Romance  re- 
action, exaggerating  it,  bestowed  upon  it  a chivalric  and  glorious  aspect.” 

In  both  these  Brazilian  writers,  the  greatest  of  the  Romantic  school 
in  their  country,  written  expression  was  equally  literary  and  polished, 
emphasizing  the  fact  that  both  were  true  Purists,  perfect  masters  of  the 
Portuguese  language.  Along  with  this  trend  of  zeal  for  pure  literary 
form,  we  see  the  two  Iberian  literatures  of  the  New  World  resembling 
each  other,  at  least  for  a time.  Later,  in  proportion  as  the  traditions  of 
the  home-land  began  to  loosen  their  hold  upon  the  neo-Portuguese,  the 
devotion  to  a common  mother-country  tightened  its  grip  upon  the  neo- 
Spanish  peoples. 

We  are  treating  here  evidently  of  a bond  of  union  purely  moral, 
not  political  in  its  nature.  Your  war  with  Spain,  which  from  the  Spanish 
view-point  was  aggression  of  the  stronger  against  the  weaker,  ultimately 
contributed  towards  the  deepening  of  this  characteristic,  purifying  a filial 
sentiment  that  is  undeniably  honorable.  In  other  words,  at  the  very  time 
when  recollections  of  the  bloody  struggle  between  mother-country  and 
revolted  colonies  were  most  vivid,  and  strong  suspicions  and  animosities 
still  lingered,  the  love  of  the  mother-tongue  was,  as  it  were,  the  outward 
expression  of  a latent  devotion. 

The  literary  men  of  yesterday,  like  those  of  today,  stood  guard  over 
the  language  that  had  reached  a beautiful  maturity,  and  whose  purity 
was  threatened  by  its  exotic  environment ; to  such  an  extent  was  this 
true  that  the  academies  of  the  Spanish  language  founded  across  the  seas 
considered  themselves  all  as  branches  of  the  Spanish  Academy,  not 
as  independent  organisms ; in  this  way  establishing  intimate  intellectual 


TRADITION  OF  THE  MOTHER-TONGUE 


105 

association.  The  brilliant  Peruvian  poet,  Santos  Chocano  [18],  upon 
the  presentation  of  his  volume  of  verses  “Alma  America,”  to  the  King 
of  Spain,  says  with  emphasis  in  his  dedication  that  the  language  of  Cer- 
vantes availed  more  than  the  arm  of  Columbus  to  make  him  monarch 
of  that  fruitful  Eden,  and  he  adds  with  spirit,  that  the  sons  of  Occidental 
India  had  for  three  hundred  years  looked  upon  the  author  of  Don  Quixote 
as  the  best  of  their  viceroys. 

In  Brazil,  the  Purist  tradition  is  far  from  being  equally  reverenced 
today : or  rather  it  has  been  fading  little  by  little  among  the  scholars,  and 
it  is  to  them  that  I naturally  allude  here.  The  Academy  of  Letters  at  Rio 
de  Janeiro,  modeled  after  the  French  Academy,  had  as  its  aim  to  dedicate 
itself  to  the  future  Brazilian  language,  rather  than  to  the  ancient  Por- 
tuguese tongue,  and  even  if  we  do  count  among  our  number  a writer  such 
as  Ruy  Barbosa  [19],  master  of  all  the  secrets,  artifices,  peculiarities,  mo- 
dulations, and  idioms  of  the  language  of  our  European  ancestors,  an  equal 
of  that  great  Jesuit  of  the  XVII  century,  Antonio  Vieira  [20],  both  rivals 
in  verbal  invention,  the  fact  is  due  more  to  individual  caprice  than  to  a 
general  race  sentiment. 

Nevertheless,  the  earliest  Portuguese  lexicographer,  Moraes  Silva 
[21],  who  is  still  regarded  as  an  authority  and  who  rendered  accessible 
the  prolix,  erudite  work  of  the  Abbe  Bluteau  [22],  was  a Brazilian  of 
colonial  times,  and,  after  the  Independence  of  Brazil,  the  grammarians  of 
Maranhao  enjoyed  merited  fame.  At  this  same  time,  however,  there  was 
spreading  the  doctrine  that  a new  nationality  should  not  only  have  its 
special  literature,  but  a distinguishing  language.  Literature  thus  lent 
a hand  also  in  forging  weapons  against  the  former  mother-country  in  the 
political  arsenal  of  Time, — weapons  with  which  to  oppose  whatever  might 
have  remained  of  its  moral  preponderance. 

This  feature  of  hostility  was  infinitely  less  pronounced  among  the 
nations  of  Spanish  descent  who  even  found  in  a common  literary  Past 
one  of  the  strongest  claims  of  their  respective  personalities.  From  the 
international  point  of  view  they  discovered  moreover  in  this  equality  the 
germ  of  a future  Iberian-American  Union.  One  might  say  that  the  in- 
tellectual harmony  in  this  case  was  always  exerting  itself  towards  a coun- 
teracting of  the  tendency  to  political  dispersion. 

No  better  representative  of  this  disposition  ever  lived  than  the  afore- 
mentioned Rufino  Jose  Cuervo  [23],  the  late  distinguished  Colombian  phi- 
lologist and  a patriot  whose  love  of  country  was  above  question.  A pro- 
found student  of  Spanish  letters,  both  ancient  and  modern,  in  his  famous 
“Dictionary  of  Construction  and  Rules”  he  has  made  an  admirable  study 


io6 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


of  the  Spanish  language,  with  all  its  richness,  its  rules  and  peculiarities, 
accepting  the  inevitable  American  provincialisms  at  the  same  time  that 
he  defends  the  traditional  character  of  the  original  language. 

Although  not  written  with  this  object,  this  work  constitutes  in  itself 
a lively  protest  against  the  conviction  previously  set  forth  by  the  author 
that  the  Spanish  language  would  be  broken  up  and  transformed  in  the 
same  way  as  the  Latin  was  broken  up  into  the  Romanic  languages,  the 
provincialisms  thus  destroying  the  old  idiomatic  unity.  In  this  connection, 
it  does  not  strike  me  as  a happy  inference  which  Cuervo  draws  in  regard 
to  the  English  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  because  it  seems 
to  me  that  I note  on  the  part  of  their  cultivated  people — but  I am  un- 
able to  say  whether  or  not  my  theory  leads  me  into  error — a tendency 
towards  philological  approximation.  Even  though  this  tendency  is  found 
only  among  an  intellectual  minority,  that  is  no  reason  why  it  may  not  pre- 
vail, but  rather  the  contrary,  since  the  victory  always  falls  to  the  daring 
minorities. 

In  both  cases,  the  study  of  the  national  origins  tends  to  draw  them 
together.  It  is  by  allying  this  sentiment  of  a collective  and  remote  cha- 
racter with  the  individual  and  local  sentiment,  incorporating  the  national 
instinct  with  the  patriotic,  that  the  Peruvian  poet,  Santos  Chocano,  rises 
to  his  beautiful  effective  synthesis,  in  which  he  refers  to  his  poems  as 
Indo-Spanish,  and  styles  himself  “Poet  of  America,”  well  meriting  what 
another  great  neo-Spanish  poet,  Ruben  Dario  [24],  has  said  of  him: — 

“El  tiene  el  Amazonas  y domina  los  Andes : 

Siempre  funde  su  verso  para  las  cosas  grandes: 

Va,  como  Don  Quijote,  en  ideal  campana  ; 

Vive  de  amor  de  America  y de  pasion  de  Espana.” 

Translation  of  Mr.  Howell: — 

“His  hold  is  on  the  Amazon ; o’er  the  Andes  is  his  sway ; 

His  Muse  to  naught  but  great  things  attunes  her  note,  alway; 

Side  by  side  with  Don  Quixote,  waging  an  ideal  campaign, 

His  Love — it  is  America ; his  Passion — it  is  Spain.” 

It  is  with  such  noted  devotees  that  Spanish  American  poetry  proved, 
in  spite  of  its  traditionalism,  to  be  superior  to  contemporary  Spanish 
poetry,  acquiring  at  the  same  time,  marked  individuality.  It  is  only  fair 
to  state  however  that  its  models  were  not  exclusively  Peninsular.  The 
French  intellectual  influence  predominates  in  all  Latin  America  during 


FRENCH  INFLUENCE  IN  LITERATURE  AND  POLITICS 


107 


the  nineteenth  century,  in  politics  as  in  literature,  in  poetry  as  in  philo- 
sophy. 

Lamartine,  Alfred  de  Musset  and  Victor  Hugo  were  freely  imitated 
across  the  seas  in  what  pertains  to  their  sentimental  emotion,  their  ardent 
sensualism,  their  verbal  brilliancy.  Benjamin  Constant  set  the  stamp  of 
his  constitutional  theory  upon  the  monarchy  of  Brazil,  at  the  same  time 
that  the  doctrinarianism  of  Guizot,  with  all  its  liberal  austerity,  was  con- 
stantly being  invoked  in  other  countries  where  military  anarchy  reaped 
the  benefit  of  political  aspirations.  The  Eclecticism  of  Victor  Cousin  was, 
at  this  time,  the  favorite  philosophical  cult  of  those  who  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  fascinated  by  the  charm  of  a refined  spiritualism  and  the  graces 
of  an  eloquent  style.  The  impress  of  this  amiable  rhetorician  was  con- 
tinued through  his  intellectual  successors,  Saisset,  Janet  and  Jules  Simon, 
until  the  Positivism  of  Auguste  Comte,  flourishing  side  by  side  with 
Spiritualism,  gathered  over-sea  groups  of  enthusiastic  followers,  and 
sought  to  mold  into  distinctive  and  well  controlled  form  the  Latin 
American  mentality. 

There  is  little  difficulty  in  tracing  the  English  influence.  We  have 
only  to  go  back  to  Don  Andres  Bello,  a disciple  of  the  Scotch  Speculative 
School  of  Reid  and  Dugald  Stewart,  in  whom  Garcia  Calderon  points  out 
the  attributes  always  characteristic  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  philosopher : good 
sense — which  a famous  Portuguese  satirist  has  called  common  sense — 
moral  stoicism,  and  skill  in  analysis.  In  passing,  we  must  mention  the 
name  of  Stuart  Mill,  associated  as  it  is  with  the  criticism  of  representative 
rule,  and  we  next  come  to  the  Evolutionism  of  Herbert  Spencer.  Evo- 
lutionism rivalled  Positivism  in  popularity,  that  is  in  so  far  as  its  effect 
upon  intellectual  activity  is  concerned.  Then  the  preoccupations  of  social 
problems  entered  to  hold  in  check  the  excessive  individualism,  which  in 
lyric  form  tinged  with  romantic  color  all  political  and  literary  expression 
of  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Weak  and  uncertain  in  the  beginning,  the  new  mental  currents  ex- 
hibited humanitarian  instincts  corresponding  to  the  social  demands,  as 
well  as  a frantic  enthusiasm  for  progress,  which  is  simply  another  phase 
of  Idealism ; subsequently,  opposing  all  traditions,  it  assumed  an  openly 
anti-religious  character  closely  associated  with  a devotion  to  science.  All 
over  Latin  America  the  struggle  between  Religion  and  Science  showed 
itself  so  uncompromising  that  no  one  would  have  believed  possible  the 
conciliation  that  soon  followed,  so  much  the  less  anticipated  because  of  the 
old  antagonisms  between  thought  and  dogma,  which  existed  in  all  of  these 
countries. 


io8 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


If  today  the  government  of  a Garcia  Moreno  [25],  supporting  an  in- 
quisitorial dogmatism  in  Ecuador,  is  no  longer  possible,  still  less  does 
anyone  presume  as  did  Juarez  with  Mexico,  to  attempt  to  change  by  force 
a clerical  nation  into  free-thinkers  or  to  plant  lay-despotism  where  eccle- 
siastical despotism  held  sway.  Rigidity  of  formula  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at.  when  the  theory  of  such  transformation  was  wrought  out  in  Mexico  by 
Positivism,  whose  influence  is  felt  in  the  mental  evolution  in  all  Latin 
America,  especially  in  that  of  Brazil  and  Chile. 

In  Chile,  in  spite  of  the  minor  success  of  the  religious  orthodoxy  of 
the  apostle  Lagarrigue  [26],  Positivism  completely  undermined  an  ex- 
tremely conservative  society ; in  Brazil,  it  may  be  charged  with  even  more 
important  and  fundamental  responsibilities  for  the  change  of  Government. 
The  Republic  of  Brazil  was  not,  however,  as  was  announced  at  the  time 
with  some  appearance  of  truth,  exclusively  due  to  the  influence  of  the  doc- 
trines of  Auguste  Comte  [27]. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  this  philosophical  school  developing  into  a re- 
ligious system,  intervened  at  the  psychological  moment  to  draw  away  a 
great  number  of  army  officers  who  were  its  disciples  into  association  with 
such  disaffected  elements  as  the  veterans  of  the  Paraguayan  War,  of- 
fended at  official  neglect  and  at  the  lack  of  sympathy  shown  towards  their 
class  aspirations ; the  slave  owners,  denied  any  lawful  indemnity  for  the 
loss  of  their  slaves;  besides  those  ardent  propagandists  dominated  by 
their  ideal,  and  anxious  to  see  all  America  united  under  the  same  demo- 
cratic rule. 

Doubt,  and  later,  materialistic  negation,  had  prepared  the  way  for  the 
relative  supremacy  of  Positivism  shared  as  it  was  with  that  other  philo- 
sophical system,  whose  basic  expression,  Evolution,  had  a magic  sound 
to  the  ear,  and  whose  prestige  was  furthered  by  the  diffusion  of  Sociology, 
the  Science  of  modern  times  in  its  correlation  with  the  Natural  Sciences. 
The  idealistic  reaction  was,  however,  bound  to  come  especially  when 
through  the  deceptive  paradoxes  of  Nietzsche  positive  ideas  practically 
eventuated  in  an  un-moral  Nihilism,  which  was  even  more  destructive 
than  the  bitter  Pessimism  of  Schopenhauer. 

Both  of  these  philosophers  had  many  disciples  in  Latin  America. 
This  was  due  partly  to  the  apparent  novelty  of  their  deceptive  theories 
ultimately  based,  though  they  were,  upon  ancient  Greek  philosophy, — 
theories  which  were  dangerously  seductive  and  proved  to  be  irresistible 
to  many  because  of  the  freedom  of  their  teachings,  especially  as  contrasted 
with  the  dogmatic  limitations  of  Positivism.  The  fascination  lent  by 


EUROPEAN  IDEALISM  IN  AMERICA 


IO9 


success  to  the  German  influence  from  both  an  economic  and  intellectual 
standpoint  also  accounts  in  part  for  the  temporary  popularity  of  these  two 
representatives  of  modern  German  thought. 

In  Brazil,  it  was  Tobias  Barreto  [28],  the  greatest  representative  of 
Germanism  in  the  realm  of  thought,  who  about  1880  reformed  the  teach- 
ing of  Law,  stripping  it  of  the  artificiality  of  its  supposed  inherent  meta- 
physics, in  order  to  give  it  the  character  of  a civilizing  agency.  In  spite 
of  its  scientific  methods  of  expression,  the  effect  of  this  intellectual  current 
was  to  promote  the  revival  of  Idealism,  which  is  a preponderant  feature 
of  the  German  temperament,  and  which  we  may  even  say,  lies  at  the  base 
of  all  European  mentality,  of  which  the  American  is  simply  a continuation. 
What  has  presided  over  the  moral  evolution  of  the  New  World,  if  not 
Idealism?  Its  intellectual  emancipation  was  determined  by  ideas  of  jus- 
tice, of  liberty,  of  human  rights,  and  of  progress,  which  France  sent  to  it, 
clothed  in  a philosophical  drapery,  to  which  England  gave  substantial 
form  in  her  model  development,  and  which  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula, 
awoke  old  and  slumbering  echoes.  The  religious  austerity  of  the  English 
Pilgrims,  the  visionary  daring  of  the  Spanish  conquerors,  the  highly 
wrought  imagination  tinged  with  melancholy  of  the  Brazilian  pioneers, — 
what  were  these  but  so  many  aspects  of  Idealism,  an  hereditary  instinct 
that  material  demands  could  not  eliminate,  but  which  the  hardships  of  co- 
lonial life  and  the  general  tendency  of  subsequent  periods  had  tended  to 
disguise? 

The  spell  of  science  as  the  only  guide  of  the  spirit  having  once  been 
broken,  it  was  not  strange  that  in  Latin  America  Fouillee,  with  his  social 
determinism,  Guyau,  with  his  scientific  Spiritualism,  Bergson,  with  his 
new  metaphysics,  should  have  become  the  intellectual  idols  displacing  the 
old  fetishes, — Taine,  Renan,  Haeckel,  the  exponents  of  concrete  analysis, 
of  philosophical  doubt,  and  naturalistic  synthesis. 

The  psychological  method  has  been  steadily  driving  out  Positivism, 
the  solutions  of  which  do  not  seem  deep  enough  to  satisfy  our  mental  as- 
pirations. The  human  spirit  soars  higher,  and  whether  it  be  because  of 
its  peculiar  nature,  or  whether  on  account  of  its  long  upward  evolution, 
it  demands  more  complex  analyses,  seeks  to  penetrate  more  deeply  into 
the  secret  of  things,  demands  syntheses  of  a higher  nature.  Science  of 
itself  is  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  such  demands.  How  then  could  Poetry  be 
included  within  its  range? 

In  Brazil  we  had  scientific  poetry  based  upon  investigation  and  in- 
spired by  progress,  but  Love  once  more  holds  her  place  under  the  source 
of  lyric  inspiration.  Romance,  in  its  turn,  was  no  longer  under  the  con- 


no 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


trol  of  those  purely  physiological  influences  with  which  the  Naturalism  of 
Flaubert,  Zola  and  Maupassant,  had  imbued  it,  but  now  based  its  action 
more  on  suggestions  which,  whether  religious  or  social,  in  any  case,  were 
psychological.  The  Venezuelan,  Diaz  Rodriguez  [29],  and  the  Brazilian, 
Coelho  Netto  [30],  for  example,  who  are  considered  masters  of  the  con- 
temporaneous Latin  American  novel,  may  be  Realists  in  their  methods, 
but  they  certainly  are  Idealists  in  their  tendencies. 

Idealism  in  Latin  America,  however,  as  Garcia  Calderon  says,  has 
to  contend  with  certain  difficulties,  commencing  with  the  absence  of  such 
Individualism  as  is  found  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  (I  always  mean  in  such 
case  Anglo-American)  who  expresses  his  inner  life  in  a form  of  conscious 
thought  and  action  that  makes  Religion  an  inner  sentiment,  rather  than  an 
outward  show.  Moreover,  education  in  Latin  America  is  on  a lower 
level  than  here  among  you.  Political  life  is  far  from  possessing  the  same 
stability.  Economic  questions,  on  the  other  hand,  attain  to  greater  im- 
portance ; at  least  there  is  more  of  the  human  in  their  signification,  since 
there  is  much  less  wealth  than  in  the  United  States,  and  a much  greater 
distance  between  rich  and  poor.  Here  your  rich  are  richer,  but  your  poor 
are  generally  less  poor. 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  all  this,  Idealism  still  advances  amongst  us, 
and  at  the  same  time  religious  sentiment  is  growing  deeper,  raising  the 
standard  of  education,  purifying  politics,  and  tending  to  correct  inequali- 
ties of  fortune.  With  the  aid  of  intellectual  curiosity,  which  is  great, 
and  a no  less  vigorous  power  of  assimilation,  there  is  no  reason  why 
Idealism  should  be  impeded  in  its  program  toward  settled  beliefs,  or  fail 
to  reach  the  regions  of  pure  speculation,  eliminating  the  social  feature 
which  has  so  conspicuously  permeated  constructive  philosophy. 

The  essential  nature  of  Idealism  is  naturally  a desire  to  soar  high, 
and  this  desire  has  taken  possession  of  the  Latin  American  spirit.  If  its 
aspirations  are  so  high  as  to  cause  a smile,  seeing  that  they  are  so  out  of 
proportion  to  the  means  at  its  command,  and  altogether  out  of  accord 
with  present  conditions,  still  this  very  ambition  is  the  best  guarantee  for 
its  future.  A race  without  ideals  is  a dying  race,  destined  to  servitude, 
if  not  to  final  extinction.  This  can  never  be  the  case  with  Latin  America. 
She  has  already  acquired  a personality  of  her  own,  whose  literary  ex- 
pression at  least  in  the  realm  of  poetry,  is  already  superior  of  that  of  the 
former  mother  countries. 

The  poetry  of  our  lands  began  by  imitating  the  French,  but  it  has 
since  come  to  be  distinctively  American.  The  following  remarks  by 
Blanco  Fombona  [31  ] apply  as  truly  to  Spanish  as  to  Portuguese  America : 


TRADITIONALISM  AND  MODERNISM 


1 1 I 


“We  have  given  new  wings  to  the  old  lyric  songster,  and  having  bro- 
ken loose  from  Peninsular  traditions,  we  no  longer  dash  off  album  madri- 
gals, hymns  to  the  child  Jesus,  couplets  for  blind  beggars,  hand-kissing 
ballads,  and  warlike  odes,  but  sing  with  as  much  beauty  and  individuality 
as  we  can  the  truth  of  our  brain,  our  heart,  our  eyes,  what  we  have  thought, 
have  felt,  have  seen.  . . . Modernism,  as  a school,  commenced  by  being 
an  echo  of  what  was  foreign,  but  soon,  thanks  to  our  individualistic  char- 
acter, it  changed  to  an  accentuation  of  personalities  outside  of  any  com- 
mon creed,  and  to  a search  for  and  exaltation  of  truly  American  themes, 
at  times  subjective,  expressing  the  emotion  of  American  hearts,  at  times 
objective,  studying  our  nature,  our  history,  the  customs  of  our  countries.” 

I have  already  called  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  side  by  side  with 
this  formation  of  a political  personality  with  the  aid  of  literature,  there 
was  a growing  devotion  to  a Past  common  to  the  mother  country  and  the 
colonies  in  Spanish  America,  a worship  of  the  glories  of  their  race. 

This  characteristic  was  as  honorable  as  it  was  peculiar  to  them,  for 
I have  never  found  even  among  you  or  among  us  Brazilians  any  national 
poet  celebrating  England  or  Portugal  as  Santos  Chocano  exalts  Spain  in 
the  following  lines: 

“Tu  si  eres  grande, 

Espana  remanesca  y luminosa ; 
tu  eres  la  Fe  que  al  corazon  expande ; 
tu,  la  Esperanza  que  en  la  Fe  reposa ; 
y tu,  la  Caridad  que  por  doquiera 
va  prodigando  su  alma  generosa. 

Grande  fue  tu  ideal,  grande  tu  ensueno; 
tan  grande  fuiste  en  la  Christiana  Era. 

Que  el  mundo  antiguo  resulto  pequeno 
y para  ti  se  completo  la  Esfera.” 

Translation  by  Mr.  Howell: — 

“O  Spain!  breathing  Romance;  Spain,  gleaming  with  light; 

Faith  art  thou  ever,  to  clothe  hearts  with  Might; 

Hope  art  thou  ever,  in  Faith’s  spring  finding  course; 

Charity,  with  lavish  gifts  strewing  thy  course ; 

Great  were  thine  ideals,  in  pointing  the  way; 

So  great  in  the  age  of  Christianity’s  sway. 

So  great  that  the  Old  World  too  small  doth  appear, 

And  a New  World  is  needed  to  round  out  thy  Sphere.” 


LECTURE  VI. 


Moral  integration  produced  by  the  fusion  of  the  races,  the  condition  of  social  equi- 
librium.— The  historic  episode  of  Bolivar  and  Petion. — Disadvantages  of  inter- 
marriage, which  gives  rise  to  a great  difference  in  ideals. — Political  unrest  of  Latin 
America,  formerly  the  hope  of  the  European  democracy. — Causes  of  the  revolu- 
tionary disturbances. — The  anarchical  and  conservative  elements  in  the  Iberian 
societies  of  the  New  World. — Bolivar’s  conception  and  its  realization  in  Brazil. — 
Strength  of  traditionalism. — Historic  function  of  the  Brazilian  Monarchy. — Feder- 
ation and  the  rule  of  dictators. — Private  initiative  and  the  work  of  education  and 
moralization. — Liberty  and  tyranny. — Troubles  in  the  evolutionary  march  of  the 
Peoples  across  the  sea. — Lack  of  harmony  between  the  theory  and  practice,  between 
the  regime  and  the  people. — The  Brazilian  oligarchy  during  the  empire  and  its 
mission. — Political  regeneration  through  social  education  and  economic  develop- 
ment.— Mariano  Moreno  and  Dom  John  VI. — Industrialism  and  the  emancipation 
of  the  people. — Violence  and  culture. — Qualities,  services  and  glories  of  Latin 
America. — The  American  conscience  and  Pan-Americanism. — America  for  hu- 
manity. 

The  fusion  of  the  races  inhabiting  Latin  America  is  a forceful  factor 
in  that  moral  integration  which  represents  the  fusion  of  sentiments 
— an  integration  deeper  and  consequently  more  significant  than 
either  political  association  or  literary  union,  since  the  former  might  be 
actuated  by  self-interest  and  the  latter  be  merely  the  result  of  a worship  of 
form  or  love  of  the  beautiful.  Race  fusion  produces  a state  of  social  equi- 
librium which  will  become  stable  as  soon  as  differences  in  education  are 
corrected  and  reality  takes  the  place  today  occupied  by  imagination  ex- 
pressing itself  in  verbosity.  And  this  same  fusion  constitutes  the  basis 
for  a cordial  union  which,  as  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  verify, 
represents  a tradition  and  is  one  of  the  best  guarantees  of  the  future  of 
these  lands  of  Spanish-Portuguese  civilization. 

During  the  colonial  period  in  Brazil,  the  dominion  of  the  Dutch, 
which  with  Pernambuco  as  its  capital  comprised  an  empire  extending 
from  the  Amazon  to  the  Sao  Francisco,  was  overthrown  and  the  Por- 
tuguese power  reestablished  by  the  joint  efforts  of  the  whites,  Indians  and 
negroes,  who  fought  in  separate  regiments,  but  under  the  same  flag,  the 
same  command  and  with  the  same  object.  The  regiments  of  the  three 
races  which  formed  the  national  population,  worked  together  for  the  re- 
conquest of  the  territory,  and  their  chiefs,  regardless  of  their  color,  were 


DISADVANTAGES  OF  INTERMARRIAGE 


113 

equally  recompensed,  honored  and  ennobled  by  the  government  of  the 
mother  country  [1]. 

One  of  the  ceremonies  attending  the  celebration  of  the  One  Hundredth 
Anniversary  of  the  Independence  of  Venezuela  was  the  inauguration  of  a 
monument  to  Alexandre  Petion  [2],  the  negro  President  of  Haiti  who  did 
not  hesitate  to  welcome  the  exiled  Bolivar  and  supply  him  with  vessels, 
arms,  ammunition,  provisions,  money,  and  even  with  a printing-press  for 
the  sacred  enterprise  of  emancipating  the  continent  from  slavery  such  as 
that  in  which  this  zealous  lover  of  human  liberty  had  been.  The  only 
condition  which  the  precursor  of  Lincoln  imposed  upon  the  emulator  of 
Washington  in  exchange  for  his  valuable  services,  was  that  all  those  in  the 
Spanish  colonies  who  were  not  yet  citizens  with  rights  equal  to  the  freed- 
men  should  be  set  free.  Bolivar  and  Petion  thus  offered  the  foundation  of 
a truly  liberal  America  in  which  might  be  effected  by  peaceful  means  that 
union  of  the  nations  towards  which  Bolivar  ever  strove.  This  same  dream 
of  a great  union  of  free  peoples  has  been  aptly  described  by  the  well 
known  Venezuelan  writer  Carlos  Zumeta,  the  author  of  Continente  en- 
fermo  [3]  as  the  Babel  vision,  for  he  sees  in  it  the  reenactment  of  the 
biblical  myth  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  coming  together  and  speaking  a 
single  tongue  even  as  it  was  before  the  fatal  confusion  provoked  by  pride. 

The  conception  of  what  constitutes  a race  has  undergone  various 
modifications  and  interpretations.  There  are  many  people  who  object 
to  the  distinction  between  superior  and  inferior  races,  and  such  an 
objection  may  be  well  taken  when  the  expression  is  applied  to  different 
types  of  the  same  race,  as  Latins  and  Germans.  On  the  other 
hand,  such  a distinction  cannot  be  denied  in  view  of  historical  evolution 
itself,  in  treating,  for  example,  of  Europeans  and  Africans.  The  inter- 
marriage of  the  races  was  morally  and  socially  a backward  step  for  Latin 
America,  whose  greatest  defect  has  been  precisely  the  lack  of  harmony, 
one  might  almost  say,  the  incompatability  between  the  splendid  ideals 
which  individually  and  collectively  have  been  formed  for  it,  and  the  petty 
aspirations  of  certain  component  parts  of  the  new  race  or  sub-race  which 
was  formed  by  fusion  in  its  territory.  Those  ideals  were  not  spontaneous 
or  natural  to  the  people  who  had  adopted  and  embraced  them ; they  were 
borrowed  and  conventional,  and  hence  their  ineffectiveness  in  this  case  as 
a means  of  elevation.  A Bolivian  writer,  who  has  applied  the  epithet  sick 
to  the  people  of  his  country,  and  had  thus  thought  to  contribute  to  the  psy- 
chology of  the  Spanish  American  peoples,  has  said  on  this  point  that  “the 
seductive  principles  which  produced  the  rights  of  man  were  the  prime 
cause  of  the  restless  institutional  life  of  our  people,  because  they  were 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


114 

taken  as  ideals,  but  not  felt ; and  an  ideal  whose  roots  do  not  go  down  deep 
into  the  consciousness,  does  not  tend  to  be  easily  realized,  because  it  does 
not  constitute  a necessity  of  the  spirit.”  1 

Indeed,  these  peoples  needed  other  more  simple  therapeutics  to  cure 
them  of  the  malady  which  has  given  rise  to  the  greatest  accusation  made 
against  Latin  America,  that  of  their  political  and  social  unrest.  The 
opinion  of  Europe  and  that  of  your  country  also  is  at  one  with  the  belief 
that  they  are  suffering  from  an  incurable  revolutionary  fever,  whose  perio- 
dicity is  but  another  symptom  of  its  pathological  nature.  Neither  the  or- 
derly example  of  the  Empire  of  Brazil,  whose  traditions  the  Republic  en- 
deavored to  preserve  although  it  did  not  succeed  in  avoiding  collisions, 
which  were  natural  and  inevitable  in  the  work  of  adapting  the  nation  to 
the  new  regime  of  a revolutionary  origin,  nor  the  peaceful  and  highly 
progressive  evolution  of  some  of  the  Spanish-American  Republics  during 
the  last  decades,  have  succeeded  in  dissipating  that  impression  which  time 
alone  will  be  able  to  correct  and  even  entirely  undo,  for  time  undoes  every- 
thing, especially  when  of  itself  the  effect  ceases. 

The  ancient  European  monarchies  could  only  congratulate  one  an- 
other on  the  result  of  the  experiment,  and  the  exultation  felt  by  those  of 
anti-democratic  sentiment,  over  this  sorry  example  was  in  proportion  to 
the  hopes  that  had  been  reposed  in  the  future  of  the  essentially  Republican 
continent,  where  now  alone  flourished,  transplanted  from  a different  flora, 
the  so-called  “exotic  plant”  of  the  Brazilian  monarchy.  Latin  America 
had  its  hour  of  general  popularity  when  the  Abbe  de  Pradt  [4]  discovered 
there  the  reserve  of  the  worn-out  society  of  Europe.  Your  virtues  of  the 
first  period — the  heroic  age  of  democracy — associated  as  they  were  to  be 
with  our  wealth,  real  or  latent,  but  which  European  imagination  exag- 
gerated, seemed  to  promise  a most  prosperous  and  brilliant  future  for  the 
New  World,  which  was  supposed  to  become  a refuge  for  the  persecuted 
thought  and  desperate  poverty  of  the  Old  World. 

In  discussing  a political  feature  which  has  already  disappeared  in 
a part  of  Spanish  America,  we  may  look  at  the  subject  from  an  historical, 
as  well  as  social  standpoint.  I shall  therefore  begin  by  having  recourse 
to  the  South  American  treatise  on  sociology,  Le  Perou  contemporain,  by 
Francisco  Garcia  Calderon,  and  apply  the  author’s  reflections  on  the  evo- 
lution of  his  country  in  the  nineteenth  century,  to  the  remainder  of  the 
former  Spanish  colonial  empire  after  it  had  achieved  its  independence. 

“Throughout  the  entire  century  militarism  favors  anarchy,  and  the 
activities  of  the  nation  are  concentrated  in  politics,  in  struggles  for  power. 


1 A.  Arguedas,  Pueblo  Enfertno. 


CAUSES  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  DISTURBANCES  1 1 5 

The  Constitution,  engrafted  on  the  French  text,  does  not  reach  the  soul 
of  the  people.  Ancient  formulas,  secular  instincts  continue,  and  the  power 
becomes  despotic  and  labor  continues  to  be  an  inferior  occupation.  Bach- 
elors of  law  and  of  science  exercise  the  power  jointly  with  the  chiefs  of  the 
army:  there  is  a dynasty  of  scholars  as  in  the  Orient.  Wealth  increases, 
thanks  to  guano  and  nitrate;  life  seems  easy  and  free  from  care;  the 
State  plays  the  part  of  administrator  of  fortunes ; prodigality  increases ; 
the  gold  mirage  disturbs  the  mental  equilibrium.  Bankruptcy  and  the  War 
of  the  Pacific  [6]  consummate  the  previous  work  of  dissolution.  The  his- 
tory of  half  a century  is  nothing  but  an  unbridled  seeking  for  wealth,  amid 
the  instability  of  things  and  the  ambitious  conflicts  of  men.  It  is  only 
in  the  last  decade  that  life  changes  its  aspect,  peace  becomes  final  and  one 
notes  a more  or  less  clearly  defined  progress  in  political  and  social  forms.” 

Except  for  the  splendor  and  wealth  of  Peru  and  the  dramatic  inci- 
dents connected  with  its  foreign  war — periods  of  great  magnificence  and 
great  humiliation  which  were  peculiar  to  this  country — the  history  of 
the  Spanish- American  Republics  in  the  past  century  is  singularly  alike, 
apart,  of  course  from  the  local  coloring  which  distinguishes,  for  example, 
an  Argentine  gaucho  [7]  from  a Peruvian  aristocrat,  or  a Chilian  roto 
[8]  from  a Venezuelan  llanero  [9].  The  difference  of  class,  the  nature 
of  the  soil,  the  diversity  of  industries,  pastoral,  mining,  agricultural,  etc., 
here  as  elsewhere  served  to  modify  outward  appearances,  but  at  bottom 
the  people  had  the  same  psychology  and  an  identical  conception  of  the 
commonwealth  (res  publica). 

At  first  the  political  mould  adjusted  itself  badly  to  the  condition  of 
the  nations  for  whose  use  it  had  been  cut,  in  accordance  with  the  fashion 
plate.  The  prejudice  of  a Constitution  based  on  European  principles,  an 
organic  law  laying  down  fixed  rules  and  a priori  solutions  for  the  con- 
duct of  affairs,  did  not  fit  in  well  with  the  inferior,  vacillating  and  transi- 
tory character  of  the  societies  which  it  had  to  govern  and  for  which  it  had 
been  conventionally  framed.  The  inferior  character  of  the  population, 
the  rabble  which  did  not  deserve  the  name  of  people,  offered  truly  a 
splendid  field  for  the  cultivation  of  obedience,  but  of  a passive  and  so-to- 
speak  unconscious  obedience.  The  very  soil  was  suited  to  the  acclima- 
tization of  despotic  militarism,  on  account  of  the  absence  of  the  sentiment 
of  individuality,  the  predominance  of  the  collective  instincts  and  race 
traditions. 

Sr.  Garcia  Calderon  aptly  describes  the  situation  in  these  concise 
words : “A  profound  legality  terminated  the  revolutionary  conquest.  The 
dead,  however,  continued  to  exert  a powerful  influence.  For  a long  time 


n6 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


the  Republic  was  still  but  a kind  of  State  socialism.  It  imposed  its  will 
on  individual  energies  for  the  execution  of  the  reforms  undertaken 
through  its  strong  initiative.  The  richness  of  the  soil  made  life  easy  on 
account  of  its  abundant  yield.  The  periodical  revolutions  did  not  make 
any  changes  save  in  the  outward  appearance  of  things.  The  obscure  soul 
of  the  people  remained  unconscious  because  of  its  absolute  lack  of  culture 
and  want  of  vigor.” 

At  a given  moment  there  came  a change  of  scene,  for  reasons  dif- 
ferent from  those  prevailing  had  provoked  a subversive  movement.  The 
campaign  which,  from  interested  motives,  professional  agitators  were  mak- 
ing, was  having  its  effect ; their  hollow  but  pernicious  phrases  were  per- 
forming their  work ; the  people  were  being  incited  to  greed ; the  pseudo- 
conscience of  the  political  destinies  of  the  country  was  awakening.  Thus 
for  a brief  time  agitation  triumphed  over  passivity,  rebellion  over  auto- 
matism, anarchy  over  homogeneity.  By  continuing  this  contest  of  ten- 
dencies between  individuals,  some  of  them  half-breeds,  and  one  or  the 
other  tendency  predominating  according  as  the  character  of  the  person 
expressing  it  was  more  nearly  like  the  one  or  the  other  original  factor,  all 
being  subjected  to  the  same  influence  of  culture,  Spanish  individualism 
was  reborn  in  the  same  “excess  of  movement”  which,  in  the  felicitous 
words  of  a Castilian  writer,  transferring  action  to  the  literary  field,  pro- 
duced the  theater  of  Calderon,  Lope  de  Vega  and  Tirso  de  Molina. 

Bolivar,  with  the  farsightedness  of  his  genius,  foresaw  the  political 
disorder  resulting  from  a social  confusion  which  found  active  expression 
in  an  army  governed  by  ambitious  military  leaders  who  wished  to  trans- 
form it  into  a Praetorian  guard,  and  passive  expression  in  a population  in 
reality  divided  into  castes,  although  theoretically  equal  by  the  declaration 
of  a common  sovereignty.  Hence  it  was  his  idea  to  give  the  greatest  pres- 
tige to  the  conservative  element,  which  had  become  neutral  by  force  of 
circumstances  and  showed  a tendency  to  disappear  in  the  abyss  of  the  suc- 
cessive disturbances  of  the  public  order.  These  ideas  of  his  are  invariably 
reflected  throughout  all  the  constructive  phases  of  his  public  life,  from 
the  suggestion,  made  to  the  constituent  Congresses  of  Colombia,  of  1819 
and  1821,  of  the  creation  of  an  hereditary  Senate  and  moral  power,  to  the 
incorporation  in  the  project  of  the  Bolivian  Constitution  of  1826  of  an 
irresponsible  president  elected  for  life,  and  of  a third  chamber  composed 
of  censors  likewise  holding  their  positions  for  life.  The  functions  of  such 
an  assembly  would  be  to  protect  the  national  culture,  guard  morality  and 
the  Constitution,  collaborate  in  the  public  treaties,  and  choose  the  judges 
and  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  from  triple  lists  submitted  by  the  Senate. 
Thus  in  it  would  reside  the  moderating  power. 


HISTORIC  FUNCTION  OF  THE  BRAZILIAN  MONARCHY  117 

The  Brazilian  Empire,  with  its  constitutional  sovereign,  its  dynasty 
acclaimed  by  the  people,  its  Senate  elected  for  life  and  composed  of  the 
finest  men  of  the  country,  the  spirit  of  its  administration,  at  once  con- 
servative and  liberal,  largely  and  wisely  realized  the  ideas  of  Bolivar, 
which  were  chimerical  in  view  of  their  falsely  democratic  environment  as 
well  as  the  personal  reluctance  of  the  great  man  to  wear  the  trappings 
as  well  as  the  attributes  of  the  dictator.  Moreover,  the  maintenance  on 
the  throne  of  the  traditional  dynasty  representing  the  Portuguese  past, 
whose  heir,  however,  identified  himself  with  the  new  destinies  of  the  coun- 
try and  even  made  himself  the  decisive  agent  of  its  independence,  not 
only  removed  the  crown  of  Brazil  from  the  conflict  of  ambitions,  but  gave 
the  national  traditions  a strength  and  importance  unique,  compared  with 
what  occurred  in  the  neighboring  countries  of  the  new  Spanish  world. 
The  revolutions  of  which  Brazil  was  the  theater  during  the  first  reign  and 
the  Regency  represented,  therefore,  ideas,  although  expressed  by  passions, 
rather  than  the  greed  of  power.  For  many  reasons,  the  Brazilian  mon- 
archy in  the  nineteenth  century  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  political 
regime  truly  suited  to  the  social  status  of  Latin  America. 

Traditionalism,  which  if  not  a stronger  sentiment,  at  least  is  more  in 
evidence  among  us  than  it  is  among  you ; which  strikes  its  roots,  if  not  in 
a richer,  at  least  in  a more  dramatic  legendary  and  heroic  past  than  yours, 
and  which  is  reflected  especially  in  picturesque  and  charming  cities, 
breathing  an  incomparable  perfume  of  things  gone  by,  such  as  Lima  in 
Peru  and  Ouro  Preto  [io]  in  Brazil,  the  only  ones  of  their  kind  in  Amer- 
ica, is  naturally  strengthened  under  such  a regime  and  becomes  capable  of 
developing  a great  power  of  resistance  to  the  destroying  instincts  of  the 
lower  strata  of  society.  This  was  the  case  with  the  Empire  of  Brazil 
which  yielded  to  the  revolutionary  shock  and  dissolved  itself  politically, 
preserving,  however,  its  structure,  whch  in  this  case  was  its  moral  whole- 
ness. 

The  monarchy  of  Brazil  fully  realized  its  function  as  protector  of 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  uncultivated  and  therefore  powerless 
masses,  who  intrusted  themselves  to  it  in  order  not  to  be  despoiled  and 
tortured  by  intriguing  and  pitiless  oligarchies  which  were  shortsighted 
and  actuated  by  the  most  selfish  motives.  Thus  it  was  that  it  succeeded  in 
representing,  in  Latin  America,  domestic  peace  and  liberty  at  a time  when 
a condition  of  anarchy  prevailed  in  nearly  all  the  rest  of  the  continent. 
That  which  the  Caesarism  of  Bolivar  failed  to  attain,  owing  to  his  repug- 
nance to  what  a Venezuelan  author  calls  the  liberty-destroying  tempta- 
tion, a repugnance  which  we  have  seen  was  largely  the  fruit  of  his  own 


n8 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


worship  of  his  glory  as  a Liberator,  the  Empire  of  Dom  Pedro  accom- 
plished completely.  The  unity  of  Brazil  came  out  triumphant  from  the 
test,  in  striking  contrast  to  the  fiasco  of  the  attempted  organization  of  a 
great  Spanish  American  nation  or  confederation,  a fiasco  all  the  more  felt 
since  as  Senor  Blanco  Fombona  [n],  the  Venezuelan  author,  well  says, 
the  small  countries  are  the  heel  of  Achilles  of  Spanish  America. 

But  from  the  splendid  dream  of  Bolivar,  which  only  could  have  been 
realized  under  a monarchy,  as  the  example  of  Portuguese  America  proves, 
there  was  born  that  noble  inspiration  of  the  Congress  of  Panama,  already 
mentioned,  in  which  arbitration  was  outlined  as  the  supreme  principle  of 
American  Public  Law.  This  moral  result  amply  redeems  its  political 
failure. 

In  South  America,  after  it  had  become  independent  and  had  been 
freed  also  from  its  Napoleons  in  perspective — for  as  you  know  one  of 
them,  San  Martin,  had  retired,  worn  out,  to  Boulogne  in  France,  and  the 
other,  exhausted  and  profoundly  disillusioned,  died  at  an  early  age  at 
Santa  Marta  in  Colombia — there  began  to  have  great  vogue  a political 
expression  borrowed  from  your  constitutional  organization — the  principle 
of  Federalism.  Only  in  unified  Brazil,  however,  did  this  principle  cor- 
respond to  the  legitimate  aspiration  of  those  honestly  opposed  to  the  con- 
trary doctrine  of  centralization,  unless,  of  course,  one  associates  this  sen- 
timent of  particularism  with  the  reaction  against  Bolivar’s  plans  of  do- 
minion, a reaction  by  means  of  which  Paez  [12]  separated  Venezuela  from 
Great  Colombia,  and  Santander  [13]  had  recourse  to  abuses  of  power  in 
the  very  year  of  the  Liberator’s  death. 

This  same  principle  of  federalism,  in  whose  name  Rosas  [14]  tyr- 
annized over  Argentina,  and  in  opposition  to  which  Portales  [15]  mod- 
eled Chile,  runs  like  a red  thread  through  the  political  history  of  Latin 
America.  Federalism  and  centralization,  however,  did  nothing  more  than 
justify  the  same  disorders  and  the  same  violent  acts.  What  remained 
at  bottom  was  individualism  under  the  picturesque  garb  of  the  military 
dictatorship  which  served  to  conceal  it  [16].  And  this  dictatorship  ( cau - 
dillismo)  we  see  now  imbued  with  a primitive  rural  democracy,  crude 
and  cruel,  such  as  was  that  of  Rosas  in  Argentina;  now  with  pretensions 
to  splendor  and  colonial  chivalry,  as  was  that  of  Castilla  [17]  in  Peru; 
now  solitary  and  ascetic,  as  was  that  of  Francia  [18]  in  Paraguay;  now 
wildly  extravagant  and  grotesque  as  was  that  of  Santa  Anna  [19]  in  Mex- 
ico ; now  polished  and  fond  of  protocol,  as  was  that  of  Guzman  Blanco 
[20]  in  Venezuela;  now  brutal  and  intoxicated,  as  was  that  of  Melga- 
rejo  [21]  in  Bolivia;  now  tinged  with  religious  mysticism,  as  was  that 


FEDERATION  AND  RULE  OF  DICTATORS 


1 19 

.of  Garcia  Moreno  [22]  in  Ecuador;  now  progressive  and  businesslike, 
as  was  that  of  Porfirio  Diaz  in  Mexico.  Blanco  Fombona  thus  admirably 
sums  up  the  situation : “The  cacique  rules,  and  over  him  frequently  the 
pettifogger,  the  charlatan,  whom  the  bearded  chief  admires  and  the  illit- 
erate people  applaud.” 

To  talk  of  federalism  where  the  individual  element  is  everything 
seems  one  of  the  most  absurd  things  in  the  world,  for  individualism  in 
such  cases  unites  much  better  with  centralization,  a moderate  or  tyranni- 
cal expression  of  order,  while  federalism,  once  stripped  of  its  ideal  or 
traditional  meaning,  is  nothing  more  than  the  flag  of  disorder.  In  im- 
perial Brazil,  the  alternative  of  the  historical  cadence  required  that  the 
federalist  aspiration  should  correspond  to  particularism,  which  had  been 
the  basis  of  the  administrative  organization  of  the  colony.  In  the  Span- 
ish-American  republics,  decentralization  seemed  to  some  the  condition, 
to  others  the  corrective  for  that  which,  although  mitigated  by  the  Revo- 
lution, was  the  political  regime  of  these  countries  until  time  and  such 
factors  as  the  development  of  the  public  wealth,  the  diffusion  of  culture 
and  the  formation  of  an  eminent  minority  of  strong  thinkers  began  to 
exercise  their  influence.2 

When  George  Clemenceau,  the  distinguished  French  statesman,  made 
his  brief  visit  to  the  east  coast  of  South  America,  he  was  not  long  in  dis- 
covering the  faults  and  virtues  of  the  political  societies  with  which  he 
came  in  contact,  and  in  which  he  discovered,  moreover,  the  environment 
where  the  Latin  spirit  will  in  future  shine  with  an  ardent  flame.  In  re- 
ferring to  the  incapacity  of  the  electoral  body  of  these  countries  to  organ- 
ize the  defense  of  the  general  interest  against  the  coalitions  of  private 
interests,  the  writer  says  that  he  rejoiced  for  Argentina  that  abuses  such 
as  those  which  in  greater  or  lesser  degree  are  found  in  the  old  countries, 
and  whose  surest  remedy  consists  in  the  development  of  private  ener- 
gies, should  have  been  able  to  have  aroused  in  that  young  society  such 
manifestations  of  conscience  and  will  as  those  he  found  there.  And  the 
veteran  parliamentarian,  whose  principal  fault  is  certainly  not  want  of 
energy,  adds  the  following  commentary,  full  of  consolation  and  hope: 
“A  country,  whatever  may  be  its  form  of  government,  is  strong  only 
through  its  men,  that  is,  through  the  sum  total  of  its  disinterested  ener- 
gies. Now  a people  capable  of  producing  men  of  the  intelligence  and 
character  of  those  I frequently  met  with  during  my  trip,  can  confidently 
face  the  problems  of  the  future”  [23]. 

‘These  factors  are  admirably  brought  out  by  Blanco  Fombona  in  his  lectures 
given  at  Madrid,  already  cited. 


120 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


The  War  of  Independence  had  left  the  ancient  Spanish  American 
Empire  in  a pitiful  state  of  devastation.  It  was  necessary  for  it  to  recon- 
struct its  sources  of  wealth,  and  to  create  new  ones  in  order  to  meet 
its  responsibilities.  The  protracted  struggle  had  left  it  also  owing  to  the 
lack  of  popular  instruction  with  the  worst  of  anarchies,  an  anarchy  with- 
out culture,  as  the  foundation  of  the  national  representation,  which  was 
sovereignty  only  in  name.  As  a part  of  the  same  blighting  heritage  were 
those  habits  of  public  dishonesty  which,  frequent  under  the  mother  coun- 
try’s rule,  were  propagated  among  the  new  rulers  in  spite  of  the  denun- 
ciations and  objurgations  of  the  publicists  who  from  force  of  circum- 
stances embodied  the  moral  power  which  Bolivar  dreamed  of  making  the 
axis  of  his  constitutional  organization. 

All  the  half-realized  work  of  educating  and  moralizing  the  people, 
which  is  and  must  be  the  formula  necessary  to  maintain  Latin  America’s 
autonomy,  was  perhaps  greater  than  that  of  the  conquest  or  of  that  of 
the  independence,  because  it  had  to  contend  with  a stronger  feature  of 
the  local  past. 

This  new  Latin  American  world  was  called  suddenly  without  the  ele- 
ments necessary  for  readjustments  to  the  responsibilities  and  dignity  of 
international  life.  Need  we  wonder  then  that  the  newly  acquired  political 
liberty  ushered  in  a period  of  social  chans.  And  yet  from  this  same  cha- 
otic mass  there  was  loosed  a constellation  of  nations  guided  by  principles 
not  only  of  liberty,  which  ill-understood  and  worse  applied  had  produced 
that  chaos,  but  also  of  authority,  without  which  societies  wreck  entirely 
and  end  with  dissolution.  Now  just  as  liberty  easily  runs  the  risk  of  de- 
generating into  anarchy,  authority  without  moral  curbs  which  guarantee 
legal  curbs,  borders  generally  on  despotism : hence  the  wild  oscillation  of 
the  magnetic  needle  between  the  quadrants  as  if  it  could  not  find  its  di- 
rection under  the  action  of  native  and  foreign  influences.  And  if  the 
native  influences  spoke  of  subjection  and  of  revolt,  the  foreign  ones  in  the 
nineteenth  century  were  more  than  ever  disposed  to  revolt  and  reaction. 

Thus  we  see  public  instruction  made  gratuituous  and  compulsory  in 
societies  where  the  leaders  of  the  movement  were  entirely  lacking  in  cul- 
ture and  where  the  necessary  number  of  teachers  were  sought  in  vain ; 
we  see  the  Church  deprived  by  law  of  its  privileges  in  countries  such  as 
Mexico,  where  it  owned,  according  to  Humboldt,  four-fifths,  and,  accord- 
ing to  the  historian  Lucas  Alaman  [24],  one  half  of  the  property  of  the 
country,  valued  at  300  millions  of  dollars ; and  we  see  the  death  penalty 
for  political  crimes  abolished,  and  the  guarantee  of  individual  rights 
“raised  to  the  highest  limits  to  which  philosophy  has  aspired,”  in  countries 


LACK  OF  HARMONY  BETWEEN  THEORY  AND  PRACTICE 


121 


where  each  year  generals  were  shot  for  the  crime  of  sedition  and  citizens 
were  imprisoned  for  the  crime  of  expressing  their  opinions.  The  great 
defect  of  the  Spanish  American  Republics — and  Brazil  has  gravitated 
toward  this  planetary  system — was  the  lack  of  harmony  between  theory 
and  practice,  and  the  resulting  want  of  balance  between  the  abstract  and 
concrete.  The  intermarriage  of  the  races,  which  characterized  the  Iberian 
colonization  across  the  sea,  is  chiefly  responsible  for  this  result.  The 
Anglo-Saxon  population  which  was  transplanted  to  North  America  and 
there  propagated  itself,  was  and  continues  to  be  fundamentally  the  same 
people  as  that  of  the  mother  country,  and  consequently  their  institutions 
are  the  same  and  fit  to  them.  When  fusion  occurred,  it  was  with  elements 
of  the  same  race;  not  so  in  the  rest  of  the  continent,  where  mating  was 
effected  with  inferior  elements,  for  we  have  seen  that  if  there  are  no  in- 
ferior races,  there  are  at  least  inferior  peoples. 

These  peoples  were  indeed  without  cultivation  and  preparation,  in- 
capable collectively  of  adapting  themselves  quickly  to  different  and 
higher  conditions  of  culture,  although  not  so  individually,  for  I have  al- 
ready had  occasion  to  call  your  attention  to  Juarez.  This  pure-blooded 
Indian  appears  to  us  as  a born  legislator,  a theoretical  statesman,  a poli- 
tical constructor  of  imagination,  saturated  with  liberal  ideas.  He  pos- 
sessed moreover  the  faculty  of  vision  in  a high  degree  and,  in  the  opinion 
of  one  of  your  writers,  was  lacking  only  in  executive  ability. 

On  the  whole,  the  Indians  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  those  of  Bolivia,  the 
half-breeds  of  Venezuela  like  those  of  Brazil,  were  as  far  from  represen- 
tative governments  once  they  had  gained  possession  of  it,  as  were  our 
Tupis  [25],  whose  women  prepared  the  buccan  meat  [26]  for  the  festivi- 
ties of  cannibalism,  or  as  the  Aztecs,  whose  priests,  Bernal  Diaz  [27] 
tells  us,  oiled  their  hair  with  the  blood  of  human  sacrifices.  One  can  cal- 
culate the  mad  farandole  which  such  a multitude  would  dance  when  in- 
vested in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye  with  the  attributes  of  sovereignty,  like 
the  people  who  met  in  the  public  square  of  Athens  to  discuss  the  affairs 
of  the  Republic,  or  which  gathers  in  the  Helvetian  cantons  to  decide  by 
referendum  some  important  matter  for  the  community. 

Infinitely  more  representative  of  such  a social  state  was  the  colonial 
government,  whose  defect  consisted  in  being  at  different  points  refractory 
to  progress,  rather  I should  say  in  offering  difficulties  to  the  march  of 
evolution — a forward  movement  which  may  not  with  impunity  be  op- 
posed. The  political  oligarchy  of  the  Brazilian  Empire,  without  having 
this  defect,  was  highly  representative.  It  was  represented  by  a Senate 
whose  members  were  limited  in  number  and  held  the  position  for  life, 


122 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


and  were  chosen  by  the  sovereign  from  triple  lists  made  up  of  the  names 
of  those  receiving  the  most  votes.  It  was  this  assembly  which,  under  the 
influence  of  the  monarch — an  influence  exercised  in  fostering  progress 
rather  than  moderating  it — directed  the  destinies  of  the  country  during 
a period  which  was  a model  one  for  Latin  America  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, a period  of  domestic  peace,  economic  posterity  and  liberal  ideas. 

This  oligarchy  appears  so  little  the  enemy  of  progress  that  in  sixty- 
three  years — the  Imperial  Constitution  went  into  effect  in  1826 — it  left 
fully  resolved,  without  the  least  disturbance  of  the  public  order,  the  fearful 
problem  of  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  which  involved  so  many  in- 
terests and  resentments ; it  left  on  the  way  to  solution  the  federative 
problem  by  an  extended  decentralization  of  the  administration,  established 
since  1834,  as  a necessary  concession  to  the  particularist  tendencies  ; it  left 
in  application  an  ample  foreign  immigration  system  which  will  renew  the 
population  of  the  country,  and  whose  effect  is  already  so  apparent  that 
one  of  our  most  remarkable  national  writers  already  sees  in  Brazil  a 
marked  contrast  between  the  country  traditionally  Portuguese  and  the  cos- 
mopolitan country  where  a new  ethical  and  social  type  is  being  formed;" 
it  left  implanted  in  the  soul  of  the  people  the  principles  of  political  and 
religious  tolerance  and  of  international  generosity  which  have  not  failed 
to  continue  in  the  new  Brazil. 

Latin  American  progress  is  more  pronounced  in  countries  where,  as 
in  Brazil,  a regime  of  order  and  of  liberty  was  early  established,  or  where, 
as  in  Argentina  and  Chile,  the  proportion  of  intermarriages  was  notably 
less,  especially  with  the  negro  element,  which  was  lower  in  the  social  scale, 
more  subservient  in  slavery  and  consequently  more  debasing  as  a factor. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Araucanians  [28],  a fighting  and  almost  in- 
domitable race  of  Chile,  entered  largely  into  the  composition  of  the  war- 
like and  stout-hearted  temperament  of  the  Chilian  people. 

Progress  is  always  greater  and  more  rapid  where  the  white  factor 
predominates,  even  in  an  atmosphere  of  disorder.  The  same  is  true 
where  the  system  of  government  is  more  liberal,  and,  besides,  more  suited 
to  the  conditions  of  the  environment,  filling  up  with  a restricted  but  inten- 
sive culture,  the  void  caused  by  the  lack  of  a general  or  extensive  culture. 

In  the  Argentine  Republic  the  era  of  the  periodical  and  fatal  revolu- 
tions lasted  until  the  war  with  Paraguay  [29] . This  condition  was  due  to 
the  want  of  education  of  the  native  element,  which  was  commonly  crude 
and  nomadic  in  character,  and  in  open  conflict  with  the  group  of  doctrin- 
aires. That  era,  however,  marked  the  beginning  of  the  wonderful  eco- 


3 Jose  Verissimo,  Impressoes  do  Sul. 


MARIANO  MORENO  AND  DOM  JOHN  VI 


123 


nomic  and  intellectual  development  of  a land  destined  to  have  an  extra- 
ordinary future. 

How  otherwise  would  it  have  been  possible  to  bring  the  gauchos, 
contemporaneous  with  Independence,  skillful  cavaliers  and  cow-boys, 
given  up  to  a life  of  mere  vegetation  on  the  Pampas  deserts  where  the  first 
great  herds  of  cattle  were  bred,  to  a reasoned  understanding  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  representative  government  which  Mariano  Moreno  [30],  cer- 
tainly the  most  advanced  and  perhaps  the  most  lucid  mind  of  the  first  gen- 
eration of  public  men  of  Argentina,  summarized  in  his  Representation  de 
los  hacendados,  which  in  substance  corresponds  to  the  speeches  of  your 
Patrick  Henry  and  the  pamphlets  of  your  Thomas  Paine  ? 

How  is  it  possible  to  harmonize  that  unformed  pastoral  and  native 
civilization,  so  different  from  the  refined  rural  and  cosmopolitan  civili- 
zation of  today,  with  this  statement  of  democratic  doctrine,  which  was 
based  on  the  subordination  of  the  government  and  of  the  laws  to  the  in- 
terest and  the  will  of  the  people  and  on  the  intervention  of  the  latter  in 
political  affairs? 

Mariano  Moreno  had  suggested  the  answer  to  this  great  problem  of 
the  Hacendados — the  producing  and  property  owning  classes — when 
they  protested  against  the  attitude  of  the  Cabildo  and  Consulate  of 
Buenos  Aires  in  their  refusal  to  sanction  the  opening  of  the  River 
Plate  to  British  commerce.  It  seems  that  the  Cabildo  and  Consulate  had 
been  short-sighted  enough  to  oppose  the  decision  of  the  Viceroy  Cisneros 
who  had  been  sent  by  the  Central  Junta  of  Seville  to  settle  local  disputes 
and  had  thrown  open  the  commerce  of  the  River  Plate  to  the  English. 
This  measure  was  not  only  contrary  to  the  old  Spanish  ideas  of  exclusion, 
but  it  was  all  the  more  reasonable  at  this  time  since  the  English,  as  allies 
of  Spain  in  the  war  against  Napoleon,  were  already  holding  undisputed 
sway  over  the  sea. 

This  same  enlightened  policy  of  commercial  freedom  appeared  also 
in  Portuguese  America.  Animated  by  this  double  motive  of  friendship 
and  policy,  the  Portuguese  Court,  which  had  been  established  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro  since  1808,  had  declared,  soon  after  it  had  passed  Bahia,  the  first 
Brazilian  land  sighted,  the  opening  of  the  ports  of  the  colony  to  the  com- 
merce of  the  world.  Dom  John  VI  and  Mariano  Moreno  both  saw  the  need 
for  economic  expansion  of  lands  which  were  going  to  enter  upon  a new 
and  different  political  life,  and  estimated  the  possibilities  of  such  expan- 
sion. They  scented  modern  industrialism,  a term  which  sums  up  all  our 
material,  utilitarian  and  progressive  civilization.  Such  a regime  unques- 
tionably offers  decided  advantages.  It  may  arouse  attacks  because  of  its 


124 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


greedy  character,  which  it  assumes  so  easily,  because  of  the  voracity  with 
which  large  fortunes  are  accumulated  for  the  benefit  of  the  few,  while  the 
majority  remain  in  poverty;  but  to  it  is  due,  although  indirectly  and  with- 
out speaking  of  the  general  improvement  in  the  conditions  of  life,  the 
inestimable  benefit  of  the  emancipation  of  the  laboring  class.  By  eman- 
cipation in  this  case  I mean  consciousness  of  its  rights  and  responsibilities. 

In  Chile,  so  long  as  the  people  were  represented  by  the  despised  roto, 
who  slaved  and  spilt  his  blood  for  those  above  him,  without  receiving  in 
exchange  either  consideration  or  elevation,  and  could  only  attenuate  the 
hardships  of  his  lot  by  becoming  intoxicated  and  quarreling  with  and 
stabbing  his  comrades,  there  prevailed  the  ultra-conservative  regime  which 
gave  to  this  society  the  aspect  of  a jealous  patrician  oligarchy. 

Yet  this  oligarchical  regime  was  not  without  decided  advantages  in 
the  historic  evolution  of  Chile.  It  was  this  same  regime  which  early 
checked  the  country  on  its  downward  course  of  military  manifestoes  and 
civil  disorganization  on  which  it  had  entered,  like  all  the  rest  of  Spanish 
America  soon  after  its  independence  had  been  assured.  While  its  neigh- 
bor, Peru,  with  its  great  wealth,  was  exhausting  itself  in  civil  wars,  Chile, 
thanks  to  the  rigorous  work  synthesized  in  the  Constitution  of  1833  [31], 
was  preparing  for  itself  an  extended  period  of  order  and  material  devel- 
opment. To  its  oligarchy  and  to  the  austerity  which  a less  prosperous 
period  implied — a period  of  hard  work  in  the  mines  and  in  the  fields 
which  preceded  the  easily-won  and  abundant  profits  of  the  nitrate  deposits 
— is  really  due  the  conquering  power  contained  in  the  crystallization  of 
Chile. 

A society,  however,  which  detains  itself  indefinitely  at  a stage  of  evo- 
lution which  others  of  the  same  stock  have  already  passed,  is  a society 
destined  to  be  fatally  eclipsed.  An  uninterrupted  peace  in  which  no  ripple 
alters  the  smooth,  mirror-like  surface,  is  not  of  itself  an  exclusive  guar- 
antee of  progress.  Labor  strikes  may  be  a symptom  of  social  unrest,  but 
they  are  also  an  indication  of  the  power  of  labor.  Their  absence  indicates 
either  a servile  regime  or  economic  atrophy. 

Brazil  before  the  abolition  of  slavery,  the  Brazil  of  twenty-five  years 
ago,  governed  by  the  landed  wealth  which  delegated  its  rights  and  powers 
to  the  class  of  advocates  possessing  a ready  tongue  and  irresistible  argu- 
ments, was  certainly  a more  legitimate  political  expression  of  the  social 
conditions  than  Brazil  governed  in  the  name  of  popular  sovereignty  by  the 
votes  of  an  electorate  reduced  by  absenteeism  and  of  which  not  all  are 
equally  worthy  of  the  franchise.  Was  it  possible  meanwhile  to  continue 
slavery,  the  basis  of  that  territorial  wealth  which  was  politically  confined 
in  a restricted  electoral  census?  Is  it  not  more  worth  while  to  pass  to 


INDUSTRIALISM  AND  THE  EMANCIPATION  OF  THE  PEOPLE 


125 


the  faults  of  an  epoch  of  more  pronounced  or  characteristic  transition  ? 
Would,  moreover,  the  present  notable  economic  expansion  of  Brazil  have 
been  compatible  with  colonial  methods  and  institutions  ? 

Certainly  I do  not  include  the  throne  among  these  institutions,  for 
personally  I consider  it  is  possible  to  have  a monarchy  with  liberty,  just 
as  it  is  possible  to  have  a Republic  with  despotism,  and  I would  be  lacking 
in  tolerance  and  intelligence  if  I thought  otherwise.  History  furnishes 
abundant  examples  of  both  assertions  and  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  cite 
them  here.  I have  already  said  more  than  once  that  Brazil  under  the 
Imperial  regime  enjoyed  all  political  rights  and  privileges  to  such  a 
degree  that  from  this  point  of  view,  after  the  establishment  of  the  Re- 
public, there  remained  nothing  for  it  to  gain,  but  only  to  imitate. 

Among  the  factors  which  contributed  to  the  material  development  of 
Brazil  may  be  mentioned  a broadening  of  the  economic  foundation,  a 
freer  play  of  productive  forces,  a more  varied  exploitation  of  resources,  a 
greater  protection  afforded  productions — a protection  which  even  included 
such  advanced  economic  methods  as  those  applied  to  coffee  [32] — and 
finally  a closer  connection  established  between  individual  expression  and 
associative  methods.  The  political  system  has  nothing  to  do  with  such 
conditions  of  progress,  which  meanwhile  has  gone  on  extending  itself,  for 
the  new  world  is  still  in  the  growing  stage.  This  progress  may  be  rapid 
or  slow,  but  these  degrees  do  not  affect  the  substance,  which  is  regulated 
largely  by  the  direction  which  is  given  to  each  country  by  the  circum- 
stances of  its  development.  Thus,  while  in  Brazil,  thanks  to  the  influence 
of  tradition  which  at  a court  is  tenderly  cherished,  however  involuntary 
the  endearments  may  be,  literary  and  artistic  culture  was  maintained  more 
personal  and  more  carefully  cultivated.  And  while  the  same  was  the  case 
in  countries  of  Spanish  America  having  a more  dramatic  past  or  a more 
intense  spirituality,  in  Argentina  letters  assumed  preferably  a realistic 
tone  and  a scientific  point  of  view,  as  one  of  your  recent  tourists  to  that 
country  has  observed  and  given  expression  to  in  picturesque  slang  [33]. 

This  utilitarian  civilization  prevailing  in  Argentina,  of  which  the 
literary  qualities  just  mentioned  are  characteristic  offsprings,  must  be  the 
first  shield  of  Latin  America  against  ambitions  from  the  outside.  But  no 
less  efficacious  is  it  against  the  attacks  of  internal  enemies.  Industrialism 
— meaning  by  this  term  not  the  perfect  manufactured  product,  whose  finish 
cannot  compete  with  that  of  the  European  product,  but  the  ample  regime 
of  capital  in  full  play  and  under  good  labor  conditions — will  be  moreover 
the  best  corrective  for  the  armed  civil  strifes,  of  such  disastrous  effect,  in 
which  the  restless  Creole  temperament  has  delighted  and  with  which  the 
early  traditions  of  violence  of  these  lands  of  adventurers  has  been  fed. 


126 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


In  Brazil  during  colonial  times,  also,  adventures  were  not  wanting 
and  the  tendencies  were  equally  violent,  as  our  sixteenth,  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  and,  later,  the  agitated  times  of  the  first  reign 
and  of  the  regency  prove,  but  an  efficient  political  organization  through 
the  use  of  authority,  and  particularly  a prestige  superior  to  the  ambitions 
of  the  guerilla  leaders,  ended  by  establishing  peace  and  creating  , a milder 
tradition  which  is  endeavoring  to  continue.  This  influence,  although  not 
perfect,  was  highly  beneficial : it  made  us  take  the  lead  in  the  open  road 
of  progress,  in  which  other  Latin-American  countries,  particularly  the 
Argentine  Republic,  have  caught  up  with  us  in  recent  times,  thanks  to  the 
wonderful  realization  of  her  economic  possibilities. 

Violence  therefore  is  yielding  daily  the  first  place  to  culture,  or 
rather  culture,  which  at  no  time  was  unknown  among  the  Iberian  socie- 
ties of  the  New  World,  is  gradually  recovering  the  position  which  belongs 
to  it,  and  from  which  first  the  physical  struggle  for  existence,  later  race 
struggles,  and  finally  political  struggles  in  the  name  of  imported  and  ill- 
acclimated  principles  had  removed  it.  Everything,  moreover,  favors  such 
an  improvement : European  immigration  which  will  increase  constantly, 
however  great  may  be  the  obstacles  placed  in  its  way,  for  the  hope  of  ob- 
taining easier  living  conditions  must  always  be  a decoy  for  those  who 
struggle  with  difficulties ; the  development  of  communications  which  will 
inevitably  transform  the  desert  of  ignorance,  albeit  possessing  some  intel- 
lectual oases,  into  a fruitful  and  cultivated  plain  on  which  shall  grow  in 
great  luxuriance  the  tree  of  knowledge,  beneath  whose  shade  certain  harm- 
ful weeds  which  distinguished  the  revolutionary  flora  and  cast  the  greatest 
discredit  upon  the  entire  continent,  do  not  thrive. 

With  the  increase  in  population,  with  greater  facilities  of  communica- 
tion, with  all  that,  which,  in  fine,  characterizes  modern  life  will  tend  to 
disappear  that  comparative  but  real  isolation  in  which  the  Latin  American 
countries  have  lived  with  respect  to  one  another,  making  difficult  the  in- 
terchange of  ideas.  The  same  tendencies  will  destroy  within  each  of  those 
nations  that  social  isolation  of  the  different  classes  or  the  different  ele- 
ments of  the  population,  a situation  caused  by  the  great  distances  between 
the  centers  of  population,  by  the  climate,  by  the  aspect  of  nature  itself — 
steep  mountains,  wild  forests,  and  swiftly-flowing  streams. 

The  change  will  give  place  not  only  to  a national  conscience,  which 
is  still  lacking,  but  to  an  American  conscience,  for  much  talking  about  it 
does  not  make  it  a reality.  The  national  conscience  will  come  into  being 
as  soon  as  the  new  feudalism,  as  Blanco  Fombona  calls  it,  the  feudalism  of 
the  local  caciques,  woven  in  a rouph  political  loom,  gives  way  to  a regime 
of  public  opinion  and  fair  elections  which  will  remedy  the  lack  of  liberty 


QUALITIES,  SERVICES  AND  GLORIES  OF  LATIN  AMERICA 


127 


which  still  characterizes  some  of  these  so-called  democratic  societies,  and 
will  inaugurate  for  all  time  an  era  of  independent  and  fearless  criticism. 
As  the  Venezuelan  author  already  cited  justly  says,  relief  by  the  pen  in 
a country  enjoying  a free  press,  frequently  avoids  relief  by  a revolution, 
when  war  is  the  only  recourse  against  tyranny. 

Latin  America  has  frequently  been  admonished  and  censured  as  it 
deserves,  but  it  has  also  as  frequently  been  treated  with  excessive  severity, 
and  at  times  cruelly  ridiculed  and  even  maliciously  slandered.  Thus,  the 
ignorance  of  the  great  majority  of  its  population  is  not  peculiar  to  it 
alone;  in  order  to  rival  in  this  respect  the  more  backward  countries  of 
Europe  it  only  lacks  the  counterpoise  of  a traditional  authority,  strong  in 
its  military  arrogance  or  in  its  administrative  despotism. 

Its  indolence  is  a myth:  M.  Clemenceau  was  astonished  to  see  how 
they  work  in  Brazil,  and  if  he  made  this  observation  about  Brazil  rather 
than  Argentina  or  Uruguay,  it  was  because  he  took  into  consideration  the 
tropical  climate.  The  distinguished  French  statesman  expected  to  find 
the  people  half  asleep  and  was  greatly  surprised  on  learning  that  no  one 
even  takes  a siesta  [34]. 

The  so-much-talked-of  wars  and  revolutions,  which  moreover  are 
not  unknown  in  the  other  continents,  as  the  spectacle  of  every  day  proves, 
do  not  fail  to  show  in  the  final  analysis  weighty  and  lofty  motives ; they 
do  not  come  solely  from  a disease  which  has  been  unjustly  called  Iberian, 
or  from  social  parasitism,  by  virtue  of  which  the  strong  try  to  live  at  the 
exclusive  expense  of  the  weak. 

Oppression  and  exploitation  constitute  up  to  a certain  point  the  sad 
inheritance  of  a past  which  is  far  from  being  exclusive  to  us : they  are 
features  moreover  which  have  been  gradually  disappearing.  From  the 
contest  between  the  conservative  and  the  racial  tendencies,  between  the  re- 
actionary and  the  liberal  forces,  there  has  resulted  here  as  everywhere, 
political  and  social  progress,  real  and  not  apparent  only. 

Real  and  not  apparent,  too,  is  that  profound,  if  not  vast  intellectual 
movement  which  is  seen  in  Latin  America  and  of  which  its  conquests  in 
the  scientific,  juridical  and  literary  field  are  testimony. 

At  the  Hague  Conference — and  I cite  this  in  particular  because  it 
was  so  to  speak  a parliament  of  nations  and  the  most  important  interna- 
tional meeting  of  recent  times — the  juridical  culture  of  the  new  Spanish- 
Portuguese  World  was  a revelation  to  many  European  jurists  and  states- 
men, who  did  not  count  upon  finding  so  much  erudition,  albeit  disclosed 
in  a perfectly  natural  manner  and  without  betraying  any  effort,  among 
a people  with  whom  the  public  mind  has  associated  the  defects  of  intel- 
lectual negligence  and  revolutionary  delirium. 


128 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Thus  it  was  that  we  saw  Brazil  upholding  with  persuasive  eloquence 
the  juridical  equality  of  the  nations;  Colombia  defending  the  humani- 
zation of  war,  and  Argentina  go  so  far  as  to  obtain  that  the  employment 
of  force  for  the  collection  of  international  debts  should  be  condemned. 
Ruy  Barbosa  [35],  Perez  Triana  [36],  and  Luiz  Drago  [37]  were  the  ex- 
ponents, whether  of  the  knowledge,  or  of  human  sympathy,  or  of  political 
sense,  of  their  respective  countries.  And  not  only  this ; tradition  exerted 
its  influence  there  as  usual.  It  was  the  past  which  once  more  affirmed 
itself  in  its  unbroken  continuity,  adjoining  the  present. 

Of  Latin  American  scientific  progress  I could  cite  a great  many  in- 
stances, and  would  do  so  if  it  were  not  for  your  incomparable  develop- 
ment, which  necessarily  makes  all  other  achievements  of  the  same  kind 
appear  mean  by  the  side  of  them. 

However,  as  regards  Brazil,  the  sanitation  of  a city  of  nearly  a million 
inhabitants  like  Rio  de  Janeiro,  which  is  today  free  from  the  yellow  fever 
which  desolated  and  discredited  it,  constitutes  a work  of  extraordinary 
scientific  and  social  importance,  and  the  magnificent  work  of  the  Oswaldo 
Cruz  Laboratory  [38]  in  connection  with  various  endemic  diseases  of  the 
country  is  a most  creditable  testimony  to  competence  and  perseverance — 
words  which  are  not  often  employed  in  reference  to  South  America,  where 
science  has  been  treated  as  bookish,  literature  as  verbose  and  art  as  super- 
fluous. 

I am  well  aware  that  the  foundation  of  this  high  state  of  culture  is 
still  far  from  being  solid  and  adequate.  The  masses  among  us  need  to 
be  educated  as  well  as  instructed.  The  proportion  of  illiterates  is  pain- 
fully large,  in  spite  of  the  diffusion  of  the  schools,  for  in  this  direction  not 
a little  has  been  done.  The  school  system  of  the  Argentine  Republic  is 
an  honor  to  the  country : Sarmiento  was  the  best  of  the  disciples  of  Horace 
Mann  [39] . Rural  education  is  being  carried  on  successfully  in  Uruguay ; 
in  Chile,  technical  education  is  a reality,  and  in  Brazil,  professional  edu- 
cation, particularly  agricultural  instruction,  is  being  widely  disseminated. 

This  is  indeed  the  fundamental  task  which  should  occupy  us ; the 
cupola  of  the  magnificent  edifice  whose  foundations  were  laid  by  Colum- 
bus, Vespucius,  Cabral,  Cortez,  Pizarro,  Nunez  de  Balboa,  and  so  many 
other  navigators  and  conquerors,  must  be  the  budding  of  the  aforesaid 
American  conscience. 

Such  a sentiment,  however,  cannot  well  harmonize,  as  some  lightly 
advocate,  with  the  establishment  of  a protectorate  of  a part  of  America 
over  the  other  part ; in  order  to  flourish  and  prosper,  it  must  strike  its 
roots  deep  down  in  the  layer  where  the  responsibilities  and  rights  are  de- 
clared equal  for  all  the  nations  of  the  continent. 


THE  AMERICAN  CONSCIENCE  AND  PAN-AMERICANISM 


129 


Spanish  America,  in  spite  of  its  political  fragmentation  and  the  in- 
tellectual particularism  of  the  nationalities  into  which  it  is  divided,  does 
not  fail  to  form,  up  to  a certain  point  and  under  different  aspects,  a moral 
whole.  Among  the  nations  comprising  it,  there  exist,  besides  identity  of 
origin,  so  many  features  of  similarity,  the  offspring  of  their  close  relation- 
ship, that  they  cannot  be  considered  isolated.  They  constitute  a latent, 
or  perhaps  it  would  be  better  to  say  a spontaneous  confederation,  it  being 
possible  to  separate  them  and  even  to  set  them  against  one  another,  but  it 
is  not  equally  possible  to  differentiate  and  integrate  each  one  of  them,  for 
they  have  a common  soul.  The  best  part  of  Bolivar’s  work  was  his  Amer- 
ican conception ; it  was  the  dike  he  aimed  to  set  up  against  a nationalism 
which  had  not  yet  been  formed  and  only  afterward  was  gradually  or- 
ganized. 

The  filiation  and  evolution  of  Portuguese  America  are  separate  from 
those  of  Spanish  America;  not  infrequently,  nay  frequently  rather,  was 
this  evolution  hostile  to  that  of  Spanish  America:  but  today  they  have 
common,  identical  interests,  and  a desire  for  a closer  approximation  ap- 
pears so  reciprocal  that  this  movement  becomes  every  day  more  pro- 
nounced and  more  firmly  rooted.  For  Pan-Americanism  to  be  complete, 
it  would  be  necessary  for  the  United  States  to  ally  itself  with  Latin 
America,  with  the  importance,  the  influence,  the  prestige,  the  superiority 
to  which  its  civilization  entitles  it — it  would  not  be  human  to  do  otherwise 
— but  without  any  thought,  expressed  or  reserved,  of  direct  predominance, 
which  offends  the  weaker  element  and  renders  it  suspicious  [40] . 

It  is  this  which  those  who,  like  myself,  know  and  esteem  the  Uoited 
States — and  the  best  way  of  showing  one’s  esteem  is  not  by  praising  un- 
reservedly— are  hoping  will  come  as  the  result  of  the  great  university 
movement  which  is  gradually  crystallizing  in  this  country,  where  idealism 
is  a feature  of  the  race  (nor  would  you  without  it  belong  to  a superior 
race),  an  ideal  so  noble  and  elevated  as  that  of  respect  for  the  rights  of 
others,  as  that  of  human  solidarity  through  the  unification  of  culture.  The 
great  statesman  [41  ] who  now  presides  over  the  destinies  of  the  Argentine 
Republic,  proclaimed  at  the  First  Pan-American  Conference,  at  Washing- 
ton, that  America  belonged  to  all  humanity,  not  to  a fraction  of  it ; and  in- 
deed America  is  and  will  continue  to  be  more  and  more  the  field  for  the 
employment  of  European  capital,  of  study  for  European  scholars,  of  com- 
merce for  European  merchants,  of  activity  for  European  immigrants. 
Only  thus  will  the  New  World  fulfil  its  historical  and  social  mission  and 
redeem  the  debt  contracted  with  Europe,  which  has  given  it  its  civili- 
zation. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  I. 


1.  Guatemotzin. — Last  ruler  of  the  Aztecs.  He  was  born  about 
1494  and  died  in  1525.  After  the  death  of  his  uncle  Montezuma,  he  was 
elected  to  the  position  of  “chief  of  men”  by  the  tribal  council  in  Sep- 
tember, 1520.  From  May  to  August,  1521,  he  heroically  defended  Ten- 
ochtitlan,  or  Mexico  City,  against  the  Spaniards  commanded  by  Cortez. 
On  August  13,  1521,  he  was  captured  and  in  violation  of  the  promise  of 
Cortez  was  put  to  torture  in  the  vain  hope  that  he  would  reveal  the 
hiding  place  of  the  treasures  of  the  Aztecs.  Subsequently  he  was  forced 
to  accompany  Cortez  to  Honduras,  but  on  the  way  was  accused  of  treach- 
ery and  hanged.  He  is  regarded  by  the  Mexicans  as  one  of  their  national 
heroes,  and  his  statue  occupies  a prominent  place  on  the  beautiful  Ala- 
meda of  Mexico  City.  Cf.  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Mexico,  passim. 

2.  Atahualpa. — Inca  ruler  of  Peru.  He  was  the  son  of  the  Inca 
Huayna  Capac,  and  was  born  about  1495.  On  the  death  of  his  father 
the  Inca  realm  was  divided  between  himself  and  his  brother  Huascar. 
In  the  quarrel  which  ensued  between  the  brothers  Huascar  was  defeated 
and  Atahualpa’s  authority  was  acknowledged  throughout  the  greater 
part  of  Peru.  He  had  set  out  from  Quito  to  be  crowned  at  Cutzo  when 
he  met  Pizarro  and  his  soldiers  at  Caxamarca  (November,  1532).  Here 
he  was  treacherously  seized  by  the  Spaniards,  many  of  his  followers 
being  massacred.  Though  he  subsequently  gathered  together  a ransom 
equal  in  value  to  fifteen  million  dollars,  he  was  tried  and  put  to  death  by 
Pizarro  (August  29,  1533).  Cf.  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Peru,  book  I, 
chs.  ii-vii,  and  Fiske,  Discovery  of  America,  vol.  II,  ch.  x. 

3.  Minas  Geraes  (lit.  “General  Mines”). — One  of  the  great  in- 
terior states  of  Brazil,  famous,  especially  during  the  eighteenth  century, 
for  its  gold  and  diamond  mines.  The  former  capital,  Ouro  Preto  (lit. 
“Black  Gold”),  is  historically  perhaps  the  most  interesting  city  in  Brazil. 
Area  of  the  state,  222,160  square  miles;  population  (estimate)  5,000,000. 
Statistics  relative  to  the  production  of  gold  and  silver  during  the  colonial 
period  are  given  in  A.  G.  Keller,  Colonisation,  (New  York,  1908),  pp. 
165-167. 

4.  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo. — Born  in  Medina  del  Campo  about 
1498;  died  in  Nicaragua  about  1593.  Famous  Conquistador  and  chron- 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  I 


131 

icier  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.  His  work,  the  Historic  verdadera  de 
la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia,  though  written  in  the  simple  unaf- 
fected style  of  a common  soldier,  remains  one  of  the  standard  authorities 
for  the  conquest  of  Mexico.  The  best  English  edition  of  his  work  is 
that  of  A.  P.  Maudsley,  in  the  Publications  of  the  Hakluyt  Society,  series 
II,  vols.  XXIII-XXIV.  A full  discussion  of  the  man  and  his  work  will 
be  found  in  Prescott,  Conquest  of  Mexico,  in  a long  note  at  the  end  of 
ch.  viii  of  book  V. 

5.  Jose  Maria  de  Heredia  (1842-1905). — A French  poet  and  the 
modern  master  of  the  French  sonnet.  His  most  famous  sonnets,  together 
with  a few  longer  poems,  were  published  under  the  title  of  Les  Trophees  in 
1893.  The  translation  of  the  work  of  Diaz  del  Castillo  appeared  in  1881. 

6.  Manchineel  tree. — A tree,  Hippomane  Mancinella,  of  moderate 
size,  found  in  the  West  Indies,  Central  America  and  Florida.  It  abounds 
in  a white,  milky,  poisonous  sap,  the  virulence  of  which  has  been  exagger- 
ated. The  formerly  widespread  belief  that  even  the  shade  of  the  man- 
chineel tree  was  of  deadly  effect  is  now  relegated  to  the  domain  of  legend. 

7.  Las  Casas,  Bartholome  de  (1474-1566). — Known  to  posterity 
as  the  “Apostle  of  the  Indies.”  During  his  long  life,  of  which  a great 
part  was  spent  in  America,  he  labored  unremittingly  to  secure  protection 
of  the  Indians  against  the  rapacity  of  the  Spanish  conquerors.  It  was 
largely  through  his  efforts  that  Indian  slavery  was  legally  abolished  in 
Spanish  America.  His  chief  works  are : Brevissima  relacion  de  la  des- 
truycion  de  las  Indias,  (“Destruction  of  the  Indies,”  Seville,  1552),  and 
Historia  de  las  Indias  (published  1875  but  well  known  before  by  manu- 
script copies).  The  standard  biography  in  English  of  Las  Casas  is  that 
by  F.  A.  McNutt  (2  vols..  New  York,  1909).  A remarkable  appreciation 
of  Las  Casas  and  his  work  is  given  by  Fiske  in  his  Discovery  of  America, 
vol.  II,  ch.  xi. 

8.  Anchieta,  Jose  de  (1533-1597). — A famous  Jesuit  missionary, 
sometimes  known  as  the  “Apostle  of  Brazil.”  He  was  born  in  1533  on 
the  island  of  Teneriffe,  studiecTat  the  University  of  Coimbra,  and  at  the 
age  of  seventeen  entered  the  Jesuit  order.  In  1553  he  went  as  missionary 
to  Brazil,  and  for  the  next  forty-four  years  he  labored  unremittingly  for 
the  conversion  and  protection  of  the  Indians.  He  was  a scholar  as  well 
as  a missionary,  his  Arte  de  grammatica  da  lingua  mats  usada  na  costa 
do  Brazil,  (Coimbra,  1595),  being  one  of  the  first  works  on  the  Indian 
languages  of  Brazil.  Anchieta  is  rightly  regarded  as  one  of  the  heroic 
figures  in  the  history  of  Portuguese  America. 


132 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


9.  Portocarrero,  Don  Melchor. — Third  Count  of  Monclova,  Vice- 
roy of  Peru  from  1689  to  1705.  He  was  the  last  viceroy  appointed  during 
the  period  of  the  Austrian  dynasty. 

10.  Caciques. — Originally  a prince  or  chief  among  the  Indians  of 
Spanish  America ; later  applied  to  the  Indian  officials  placed  over  Indian 
villages.  The  term  “cacique”  is  the  Spanish  form  of  an  Haytian  word 
meaning  “chief.” 

11.  Ethiope  resgatado. — In  1750  a Portuguese  priest,  Father  Manoel 
Ribeiro  Rocha,  published  a work  dealing  with  the  question  of  negro 
slavery.  In  this  work  Father  Rocha  maintained  that  it  is  not  lawful  to 
hold  negroes  as  merchandise,  but  only  as  a pledge  ( jure  pignoris ) for 
the  performance  of  services  equivalent  to  the  slave’s  money  value,  on  the 
completion  of  which  services  the  slave  is  to  be  “redeemed,”  i.  e.,  allowed 
to  go  free.  Cf.  Agostinho  Marques  Perdigao  Malheiro,  A Escraviddo 
no  Brasil,  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1867),  vol.  II,  p.  79. 

12.  Pombal,  Sebastiao  Jose  Carvallio  de  Mello,  Marquis  of  ( 1699- 
1782). — The  famous  reforming  minister  of  King  Joseph  I of  Portugal. 
The  effect  of  his  sweeping  changes  and  reforms  was  not  confined  to 
Portugal.  As  regards  Brazil  he  not  only  expelled  the  Jesuits  but  curbed 
the  power  of  other  religious  establishments,  alleviated  the  lot  of  the  Jews, 
liberated  the  Indians,  and  promoted  industry  and  commerce.  On  this 
subject  cf.  R.  G.  Watson,  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South  America  during 
the  Colonial  Period,  (London,  1884),  vol.  II,  pp.  238-239. 

13.  Ferdinand  VII  of  Spain. — Held  “prisoner”  by  Napoleon  in  the 
castle  of  Valengay  from  1808  to  1814.  During  the  Spanish  American 
Wars  of  Independence  many  of  the  revolutionists  employed  their  loudly 
proclaimed  loyalty  to  Ferdinand  VII  as  a convenient  pretext  for  over- 
throwing the  vice-regal  authority. 

14.  Laboulaye,  Edward  Rene  Lefebvre  de  ( 1811-1883). — The  well 
known  French  jurist,  historian  and  politician.  The  statement  referred  to 
by  Dr.  Lima  is  found  in  his  Histoire  politique  des  Etats  Unis,  (Paris, 
1855-1866). 

15.  Araucanians. — A tribal  group  of  Indians  inhabiting  portions  of 
Chile  south  of  the  Bio-Bio  river.  They  are  the  most  tough-fibred  and 
warlike  of  all  the  South  American  Indians.  They  were  never  conquered 
by  the  Incas,  long  offered  effective  resistance  to  the  Spaniards  of  colonial 
Chile,  and  have  been  only  partially  assimilated  by  the  Chilians  of  today. 
The  so  called  “rotos,”  who  form  the  bulk  of  the  lower  classes  of  Chile, 
are  of  mixed  Spanish  and  Araucanian  stock.  An  illuminating  discussion 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  I 


133 


of  the  peculiar  political  formation  of  modern  Chile  may  be  found  in  the 
article  by  Professor  P.  S.  Reinsch  entitled  “Parliamentary  Government  in 
Chile,”  in  the  American  Political  Science  Review,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  5°7'539» 
(1909). 

16.  Battle  of  Carabobo. — A decisive  battle  fought  on  June  27,  1821, 
between  Bolivar  and  the  Spanish  General  La  Torre,  resulting  in  the  in- 
dependence of  northwestern  South  America.  On  this  occasion  the  nine 
hundred  Englishmen  comprising  the  British  Legion  played  an  important 
part.  An  interesting  account  of  this  battle,  with  a description  of  its  site, 
is  given  by  Professor  Hiram  Bingham  in  the  appendix  to  his  work  Diary 
of  an  Expedition  across  Venezuela  and  Colombia,  (New  Haven,  1909). 

17.  In  the  expression  “from  Avila  to  Potosi,”  the  Avila  referred  to 
is  not,  of  course,  the  city  of  Spain  of  this  name,  but  a mountain  called 
Avila  rising  above  Caracas,  the  capital  of  Venezuela.  Potosi  is  the  well 
known  mining  center  of  Bolivia. 

18.  Juan  and  Ulloa. — An  interesting  analysis  of  those  portions  of 
the  “Noticias  Secretas”  which  deal  with  the  abuses  practiced  by  the 
Spanish  authorities  on  the  Indians  is  given  in  chapter  viii  of  Professor 
Bernard  Moses’  South  America  on  the  Eve  of  Emancipation,  (New 
York  and  London,  1908).  In  addition  to  their  secret  report  in  the  In- 
dies, (published  in  English  in  London  in  1826),  Juan  and  Ulloa  published 
Relacidn  historica  del  viaje  a la  America  meridional  (2  vols.  1748:  tjie 
English  in  Pinkerton’s  Travels,  vol.  IV)  ; and  Juan  alone,  Noticias 
americanas  (1772). 

19.  La  Condamine,  Charles  Marie  de  (1701-1774). — In  company 
with  Godin  and  Bouguer  this  noted  French  scientist  conducted  an  ex- 
pedition to  South  America  in  1735  to  measure  an  arc  of  the  meridian 
on  the  plane  of  Quito.  He  subsequently  separated  from  the  rest  of  his 
party  and  undertook  the  first  scientific  exploration  of  the  Amazon.  His 
most  important  work  dealing  with  South  America  is  his  Relation  abregea 
d’un  voyage  fait  dans  I’interieur  de  V Amerique  meridionale , (Paris,  1745). 
He  is  said  to  have  carried  the  first  knowledge  of  India  rubber  to  Europe. 

20.  Charles  III. — King  of  Spain  from  1759  to  1788.  He  was  the 
most  enlightened  and  progressive  ruler  of  the  Spanish  branch  of  the 
Bourbon  family,  and  was  responsible  for  many  reforms  both  in  Spain  and 
Spanish  America.  The  standard  biography  of  Charles  III  is  that  of 
M.  F.  Rousseau,  Le  Regne  de  Carlos  III  d’Espagne,  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1907). 

21.  Depons,  Francois  Raymond  Joseph  de. — Voyage  a la  partie 
orientale  de  la  Terre  Ferme  dans  I’Amerique  Meridionale  fait  pendant 


134 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


les  annees  1801-1804,  (Paris,  1806).  An  English  translation  of  this 
work  (attributed  to  Washington  Irving)  appeared  in  New  York  in  1806. 

22.  These  lectures  of  Senor  Rufino  Blanco  Fombona  were  given  in 
Madrid  under  the  auspices  of  the  Union  Ibero-America,  on  June  16  and 
23,  1911.  They  were  published  at  Madrid  the  same  year  under  the  title, 
La  Evolution  politico  y social  de  Hispano-America. 

23.  Juarez,  Benito  (1806-1872). — The  famous  Mexican  statesman 
and  patriot,  president  of  the  republic  during  the  critical  period  from 
1858  to  1871.  Juarez’  two  great  triumphs  were  his  victory  over  the  clerical 
and  reactionary  party,  resulting  in  the  ultra-liberal  constitution  of  1859, 
and  the  overthrow  of  the  empire  of  Maximilian  supported  by  Napoleon 
III.  The  most  satisfactory  biography  of  Juarez  is  that  by  U.  R.  Burke, 
Life  of  Benito  Juarez,  (London,  1907). 

24.  Altamirano,  Ignacio  Manuel  (1835-1893). — A Mexican  poet, 
orator  and  statesman,  of  pure  Aztec  blood,  said  to  have  been  a descendant 
of  the  Aztec  rulers  of  Mexico.  He  participated  in  the  War  of  Reform, 
aided  President  Juarez  during  the  French  Intervention,  and  was  a part- 
ner in  the  glory  of  the  reestablished  republic.  Subsequently  he  repre- 
sented Mexico  in  Europe,  being  at  various  times  Consul-General  to  both 
Spain  and  France.  Of  his  numerous  literary  productions  the  most 
famous  is  perhaps  his  Paisajes  y Leyandas,  (Mexico,  1884).  A brief 
biography  of  Altamirano,  with  English  translations  of  excerpts  from  his 
writings,  may  be  found  in  Professor  Frederick  Starr’s  Readings  from 
Modern  Mexican  Authors,  (Chicago,  1904.) 

25.  Homais. — In  this  character  Flaubert  has  portrayed  with  con- 
summate skill  the  type  of  village  apothecary  whose  naive  provincialism 
is  equalled  only  by  his  rabid  anti-clericalism. 

26.  Carbonario  regicide. — The  reference  here  is  of  course  to  the  secret 
society  of  radical  republicans  who  were  in  part  responsible  for  the  assas- 
sination of  King  Carlos  of  Portugal  in  1908.  Later  the  “Carbonados” 
were  instrumental  in  bringing  about  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  and 
at  the  present  time  are  charged  with  exercising  an  undue  influence  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Portuguese  Republic. 

27.  Cf.  0 Congresso  Universal  das  Ragas  Apreciacdes  e Commen- 
taries pel  Dr.  J.  B.  de  Lacerda,  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1911). 

28.  Guipuzcoa  Company. — A brief,  but  excellent  account  of  the  ac- 
tivity of  the  Compahia  Guipuzcoana  is  given  in  Professor  Bernard  Moses’ 
Establishment  of  Spanish  Rule  in  America.  fNe.w  York,  1898),  pp.  166- 
171. 

29.  Vieira,  Antonio. — Born  at  Lisbon  in  1608;  died  at  Bahia,  Bra- 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  I 


135 


zil,  in  1697.  A celebrated  Portuguese  missionary,  pulpit  orator,  author 
and  publicist.  He  was  taken  to  Bahia  as  a child,  and  entered  the  Jesuit 
order  there  in  1625.  As  a preacher  he  soon  became  famous  for  his 
eloquence;  after  his  return  to  Portugal,  in  1641,  he  was  loaded  with 
honors  by  King  John  IV,  being  intrusted  with  important  diplomatic 
missions  to  Paris,  The  Hague  and  Rome.  In  1652  he  was  placed  in 
charge  of  the  Jesuit  missions  at  Maranhao,  and  soon  drew  upon  himself 
the  hatred  of  the  slave-owning  colonists  through  his  efforts  to  protect 
the  Indians.  From  then  on  he  became  the  champion  of  the  oppressed 
Indians,  pleading  their  cause  both  in  Brazil  and  Portugal  with  a cour- 
age and  fervor  worthy  of  Las  Casas.  Vieira  was  not  only  interested  in 
the  spiritual  and  economic  welfare  of  Brazil,  but  in  Portuguese  letters 
as  well,  and  his  many  literary  productions  entitle  him  to  a place  among 
the  peers  of  Brazilian  prose  writers.  An  account  of  Vieira’s  activities 
in  Brazil  and  Portugal  may  be  found  in  Watson,  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
South  America  during  the  Colonial  Period,  (London,  1884),  and  in 
Southey,  History  of  Brazil,  (3  vols.,  London,  1822). 

30.  An  account  of  the  Para-Maranhao  Company  is  given  in  Watson, 
II,  pp.  238-239. 

31.  Dr.  Lima  here  refers  to  the  seventeenth  Congress  of  American- 
ists, which  met  at  Buenos  Aires  in  May,  1910.  Of  Senor  Quesada’s 
literary  productions  the  best  known  are : El  Vireinato  del  Rio  de  la  Plata, 
IJJ6-1810,  (Buenos  Aires)  ; Recuerdos  de  mi  vida  diplomatica,  (Buenos 
Aires);  Mis  memorias  diplomaticas,  (Buenos  Aires). 

32.  See  note  following. 

33.  Narino,  Antonio  (1765-1823). — A New-Granadan  patriot. 
Though  he  held  important  offices  under  the  Spanish  viceroys,  he  was  an 
ardent  champion  of  Spanish  American  independence,  and  in  1795  pub- 
lished at  Bogota  a Spanish  translation  of  the  Droits  des  hommes.  For 
this  he  was  imprisoned,  and  did  not  obtain  his  release  until  1810.  On  the 
outbreak  of  the  Revolution  he  played  a conspicuous  part  in  the  liberation 
of  New  Granada  from  Spain,  but  was  captured  by  the  Royalists  in  1814, 
and  was  confined  as  a prisoner  in  Spain  until  1820.  After  his  return  to 
New  Granada  he  was  elected  vice-president  and  senator  of  the  republic. 

34.  The  Jesuit  Order  was  expelled  from  Portugal  in  1759. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  II. 


1.  The  Plateau  of  Cundinamarca  occupies  a portion  of  the  eastern 
central  part  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia.  It  was  formerly  the  seat  of 
the  civilization  of  the  Chibchas ; at  the  present  time  the  name  is  applied 
to  the  department  having  Bogota  as  its  capital. 

2.  Gama,  Jose  Basilio  da. — Born  at  San  Jose,  Minas  Geraes,  1740; 
died  at  Lisbon,  1795.  One  of  the  most  celebrated  of  the  poets  of  Colonial 
Brazil.  He  was  a novice  of  the  Jesuits,  leaving  that  order  upon  its 
expulsion  from  Brazil.  After  traveling  extensively  in  Europe  he  made 
his  home  in  Lisbon.  His  epic  poem  0 Uruguay  was  published  in  1769. 

3.  Gusmao,  Alexandre. — Born  in  Santos,  Brazil,  1695 ; died  at  Lis- 
bon, 1753.  Though  a Brazilian  by  birth,  Alexandre  Gusmao  rose  to  a 
position  of  great  eminence  in  Portugal,  being  justly  considered  one  of 
the  foremost  Portuguese  statesmen  of  the  period.  After  obtaining  his 
doctorate  at  Paris  he  was  sent  to  Rome  on  an  important  diplomatic  mission 
by  John  V.  It  was  largely  through  his  efforts  that  the  Portuguese  king 
obtained  from  the  pope  the  title  of  “Fedelissdmo”  (Most  Faithful).  As 
a diplomatist  Gusmao’s  consummate  skill  is  seen  in  the  protracted  nego- 
tiations between  Portugal  and  Spain,  culminating  in  the  Treaty  of  1750. 
This  treaty  fixed  the  boundaries  between  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Ame- 
rica on  the  basis  of  uti  possidetes;  it  was  considered  a diplomatic  tri- 
umph for  Portugal.  A full  account  of  Gusmao’s  diplomatic  and  literary 
activities  is  given  in  J.  M.  Pereira  da  Silva,  Os  Vardes  illustres  do  Brasil 
durante  os  Tempos  coloniaes,  (Paris,  1858),  vol.  I,  pp.  229-256. 

4.  Dom  John  V. — King  of  Portugal,  1706-1750.  The  absurdities 
in  the  court  of  this  ruler  largely  sprang  from  a ridiculous  desire  to  imitate 
Louis  XIV,  a fondness  for  empty  titles,  and  extravagance  in  squandering 
vast  sums  on  buildings,  especially  on  the  great  convent  at  Mafra  (said 
to  have  cost  over  $20,000,000).  Cf.  H.  Morse  Stephens,  History  of 
Portugal,  pp.  350  et  seq. 

5.  Coimbra. — The  seat  of  the  only  university  in  Portugal.  It  was 
founded  in  1290  in  Lisbon  and  transferred  to  Coimbra  in  1308. 

6.  Miranda,  Francisco  Antonio  Gabriel  de. — Born  at  Caracas, 
Venezuela,  1756;  died  at  Cadiz,  Spain,  July  1816.  During  his  adven- 
turous career  in  England,  Miranda  was  busy  plotting  for  the  emancipation 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  II 


137 


of  Spanish  South  America,  and  in  1806  he  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  lead  a revolt  in  Venezuela.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution 
two  years  later  he  returned  to  Venezuela,  and  became  dictator  in  1812. 
But  in  the  same  year,  partly  as  a result  of  a severe  earthquake  which  was 
interpreted  as  a sign  of  divine  displeasure  at  the  revolution,  the  Royalists 
gained  the  upper  hand,  and  Miranda  was  forced  to  surrender.  He  was 
sent  to  Spain,  and  died  in  prison  at  Cadiz  four  years  later.  The  standard 
biography  of  Miranda  is  that  of  W.  S.  Robertson,  Francisco  de  Miranda, 
in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  I,  266  et  seq. 

7.  For  a brief  account  of  this  revolt  see  T.  C.  Dawson,  The  South 
American  Republics,  (New  York,  1910),  I,  pp.  409-410. 

8.  Dr.  Lima  here  refers,  of  course,  to  the  transference  of  the  Por- 
tuguese court  and  center  of  government  from  Lisbon  to  Brazil  in  1808. 

9.  GoNgALVEs  Dias,  Antonio. — Born  at  Caxias,  Maranhao,  1824; 
died  at  sea,  1864.  The  foremost  of  Brazilian  poets.  After  taking  his 
degree  at  the  University  of  Coimbra  he  was  appointed  professor  of  his- 
tory at  the  Collegio  Dom  Pedro  II  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  He  was  sub- 
sequently employed  in  various  literary  commissions  in  northern  Brazil 
and  in  Europe,  meanwhile  gaining  a national  reputation  as  a dramatist 
and  above  all  as  a lyric  poet.  Owing  to  failing  health  he  sought  a change 
of  climate  in  Europe;  on  his  return  in  1864  he  perished  by  shipwreck  in 
sight  of  his  native  shore.  His  works  include  Primeiros  cantos  (1846)  ; 
Segundos  cantos  e sextilhas  de  Frei  Antao  (1848)  ; and  Ultimos  cantos 

(1851). 

10.  The  Recopolacion  de  leyes  de  los  reynos  de  las  Indias,  (last 
edition,  4 vols.,  Madrid,  1841). 

11.  Zumarraga,  Juan  de. — Born  near  Durango,  Biscay,  i486;  died 
at  Mexico  City,  1548.  The  first  bishop  of  Mexico.  He  arrived  in  Mexico 
in  1527  and  immediately  became  the  zealous  champion  of  the  native 
population,  receiving  the  title  and  office  of  Protector  of  the  Indians. 
Through  his  efforts  various  schools  for  the  Indians  were  founded  and 
missionary  activity  extended  throughout  large  portions  of  Mexico  and 
Spanish  America.  At  the  same  time  he  gained  a melancholy  renown  for 
the  wholesale  destruction  of  all  Aztec  manuscripts  on  which  he  could  lay 
hands,  and  at  his  instance  similar  scenes  were  enacted  in  other  towns  and 
cities  of  New  Spain.  He  was  raised  to  the  position  of  Archbishop  of 
Mexico  eight  days  before  his  death.  See  Joaquin  Garcia  Icazbalceta 
Don  Fray  Juan  Zumarraga,  primero  obispo  y arzobispo  de  Mexico,  (Mex- 
ico, 1896),  Obras,  I. 


I3« 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


12.  Mendoza,  Antonio  de  (1485-1552). — The  first  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  which  office  he  held  from  1535  to  1549.  A full  account  of  his 
activities  in  Mexico  may  be  found  in  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  (San 
Francisco,  1877),  vol.  PP-  375-385- 

13.  Pope  Alexander  VI  by  his  famous  Papal  Bull  of  May  3,  1493, 
drew  a line  of  demarcation  “one  hundred  leagues  west  of  the  Azores  and 
Cape  Verde  Islands,”  giving  to  Spain  the  right  of  conquest  to  the  west  of 
it,  and  to  Portugal  the  same  right  on  the  east.  The  Convention  of  Tor- 
desillas,  signed  by  representatives  of  Spain  and  Portugal  at  the 
Spanish  town  of  Tordesillas  on  June  7,  1494,  removed  the  line  of  demar- 
cation to  a meridian  370  leagues  west  of  the  Cape  Verde  Islands,  thus, 
as  it  later  proved,  putting  Brazil  within  the  sphere  of  the  Portuguese. 
Cf.  on  this  subject  Fiske,  Discovery  of  America,  (Boston,  1892),  I,  ch.  vi. 

14.  Castillo  de  Bobadilla,  Politico  para  corregidores  y sehores  de 
vasallos  en  tiempo  de  pas  y guerra  y para  prelados  en  lo  espiritual  y tem- 
poral entre  legos,  iueses  de  commission  . . . y otros  ohciales  publicos. 
Antor  el  licenciado  Castillo  de  Bobadilla,  (2  vols.,  Medino  del  Campo, 
1608.) 

15.  Revolt  of  the  Communeros. — The  famous  revolt  of  the  Castilian 
Communes  against  the  tyranny  of  Emperor  Charles  V (Carlos  I of 
Spain).  The  revolt  broke  out  in  1519  and  was  finally  suppressed  in 
1521,  after  the  decisive  defeat  of  the  Communeros  at  the  Battle  of  Villa- 
lar  (April  1521).  Cf.  Armstrong,  Emperor  Charles  V,  (New  York, 
1902),  I,  ch.  v. 

16.  Canovas  del  Castillo,  Antonio  (1828-1897). — A Spanish 
statesman  and  leader  of  the  Conservative  Party.  He  was  largely  in- 
strumental in  securing  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  in  the  person  of 
Alfonso  XII.  Between  1875  and  1897  he  was  five  times  premier,  his 
career  finally  being  cut  short  by  the  bullet  of  an  anarchist  in  August, 
1897.  His  writings  include  Historia  general  de  Espaha  (a  cooperative 
work  of  which  he  was  editor),  (Madrid,  1891  fob),  and  Estudios  del 
reinado  de  Filipe  IV,  (2  vols.,  Madrid, 1880). 

17.  For  a qualified  approval  of  this  system  of  selling  public  offices 
in  the  cabildos  see  Bourne,  Spain  in  America,  (New  York,  1904),  pp. 
237-239.  The  system  is  unsparingly  condemned  by  the  Argentine  author 
J.  Garcia  in  his  Ciudad  Indiana,  (Buenos  Aires,  1910),  pp.  169-170. 

18.  Reference  here  is  made  to  a paper  read  by  Dr.  Saiga  do  on  the 
cabildo  at  the  Congress  of  Americanists  held  at  Buenos  Aires  in  1910. 

19.  Mitre,  Bartolome. — Born  at  Buenos  Aires,  1821 ; died  there, 
1894.  A famous  Argentine  general,  statesman  and  writer.  After  an 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  II 


139 


active  participation  in  the  political  life  of  Argentina  he  was  elected  pre- 
sident for  the  period  1862-1868,  fulfilling  the  duties  of  his  office  with 
great  ability.  He  subsequently  occupied  important  diplomatic  positions, 
including  that  of  minister  to  Brazil.  In  1852  he  founded  “La  Nacion,'’ 
which  soon  became  the  most  important  journal  of  Buenos  Aires,  and 
which  remained  under  his  direction  until  his  death.  Besides  a large  num- 
ber of  poems,  essays,  speeches,  etc.  he  published  two  important  historical 
works,  the  Historia  de  Belgrano  (1857  et  seq.),  and  Historia  de  San 
Martin  (1884,  English  abridged  translation,  1893). 

20.  The  standard  histories  which  cover  wholly  or  part  of  this  critical 
period  in  Brazilian  history  are  Oliveira  Lima,  Dom  Joao  VI  no  Brazil, 
(2  vols.,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1911),  and.  Pereira  da  Silva,  Historia  da  fun- 
dacao  do  imperio  brazileiro,  (7  vols.,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1864-1868).  Cf. 
also  Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  (New  York,  1904),  vol.  I,  and 
Armitage,  History  of  Brazil,  (2  vols.,  London,  1836). 

21.  Dom  Pedro  (Dom  Antonio  Pedro  da  Alcantara  Bourbon). — 
Born  in  Lisbon,  1788;  died  there,  1834.  Second  son  of  King  John  VI, 
whom  he  accompanied  to  Brazil  in  1808.  Upon  the  return  of  John  VI 
to  Brazil  in  1821,  Dom  Pedro  was  left  as  regent.  On  September  7,  1822, 
Dom  Pedro  pronounced  for  independence  from  Portugal;  on  October  12 
he  was  proclaimed  emperor,  under  title  of  Dom  Pedro  I,  being  crowned 
December  1.  On  April  7,  1831,  he  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  son,  later 
famous  as  Emperor  Dom  Pedro  II.  For  references  to  authorities  see 
preceding  note. 

22.  Ricardo  Palma  (d.  1913). — Author  of  Tradiciones  del  Peru, 
(4  vols.,  Barcelona,  1893).  Well  known  to  all  investigators  of  Latin 
American  history  as  the  distinguished  and  scholarly  director  of  the 
National  Library  at  Lima. 

23.  Don  Vicente  Quesada. — See  Lecture  I,  note  31. 

24.  Juan  and  Ulloa. — See  Lecture  I,  note  18. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  III. 


1.  Handelmann,  Heinrich,  Geschichte  von  Brazilien,  (Berlin, 
i860). 

2.  Southey,  Robert,  History  of  Brazil,  (3  vols.,  London,  1810- 
1819). 

3.  Pi  y Margall. — The  reference  here  is  probably  to  Les  National- 
ites,  (Paris,  1879). 

4.  Coelho  da  Rocha,  M.  A.,  Ensaio  sobre  a historia  do  governo  e 
da  legistagdo  de  Portugal  para  servir  de  introducgao  do  estudo  do  direito 
patrio,  (3d  edition,  Coimbra,  1851). 

5.  Diego  do  Conto,  Observacaoes  sobre  as  principaes  causas  da  deca- 
dencia  dos  Portuguezes  na  Asia  com  0 titulo  de  soldado  pratico,  (Lisboa, 
1790). 

6.  Op.  cit.,  pp.  87-88. 

7.  Audiencias. — For  an  able  discussion  of  this  institution  cf.  Moses, 
Establishment  of  Spanish  Rule  in  America,  ch.  iv. 

8.  Aranda,  Count  of,  (Pedro  Pablo  Abarca  y Bolea,  1718- 
1799). — A Spanish  statesman  and  diplomatist,  celebrated  as  one  of  the 
reforming  ministers  of  Charles  III. 

9.  This  whole  episode,  including  an  account  of  the  interview  between 
Maia  and  Thomas  Jefferson  in  the  amphitheater  of  Nimes,  is  given  by 
Dr.  Lima  in  his  Formation  historique  de  la  nationality  bresilienne,  (Paris, 
1911),  pp.  115-116. 

10.  See  note  16  to  Lecture  I. 

11.  For  a brief  but  excellent  discussion  of  this  critical  period  of 
Brazilian  History  cf.  Dawson,  vol.  I,  chs.  xiii-xvi. 

12.  Villanueva,  Carlos  A.,  La  monarquia  en  America,  (2  vols.,  Pa- 
ris, 1911). 

Villanueva,  op.  cit.,  tomo  I,  secunda  parte. 

13.  Cochrane,  Thomas,  Tenth  Earl  of  Dundonald  (1775-1860). — 
A British  naval  commander  famous  for  his  participation  in  the  Spanish 
American  Wars  of  Independence.  In  1818  he  accepted  an  invitation  to 
organize  the  infant  navy  of  Chile,  and  as  admiral  of  the  Chilian  fleet 
practically  annihilated  the  Spanish  sea  power  in  the  South  Pacific.  In 
1820  he  transported  the  army  of  San  Martin  from  Valparaiso  to  Callao 
and  greatly  facilitated  the  capture  of  Lima.  Owing  to  quarrels  with 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  ITI 


I4I 

the  Spanish  American  Revolutionists  he  left  their  service  and  assumed 
command  of  the  Brazilian  Navy;  in  this  new  capacity  he  recovered  Bahia 
and  Maranhao  from  the  Portuguese.  A detailed  account  of  his  activities 
during  his  stirring  period  is  given  in  The  Life  of  Thomas,  Lord  Cochrane 
by  his  son,  Thomas,  Eleventh  Earl  of  Dundonald,  (2  vols.,  London,  1869). 

14.  Miller,  William. — Born  in  Wingham,  Kent,  December  2,  1795.; 
died  at  Callao,  Peru,  October  31,  1861.  An  English  general  in  the  service 
of  Peru.  After  engaging  in  the  War  of  1812  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  he  took  service  with  the  Revolutionists  at  Buenos  Aires 
in  1816;  subsequently  he  held  independent  commands  in  Chile  and  Peru, 
and  played  an  important  part  in  the  decisive  battles  of  Junin  and  Ayacu- 
cho  (1824).  His  Memoirs,  published  by  his  brother,  John  Miller,  in  1829, 
form  one  of  the  best  authorities  on  the  Spanish  American  Revolution. 

15.  Reference  to  this  fantastic  proposal  may  be  found  in  Villanueva, 
op.  cit.,  t.  I,  secunda  parte.  Tupac  Amaru,  sometimes  called  the  “Last 
of  the  Incas,”  was  a Peruvian  revolutionist,  said  to  be  a direct  descendant 
of  the  early  Incas.  In  1780  he  led  the  Indians  of  Peru  in  a rebellion 
against  the  Spanish  authorities.  After  a number  of  minor  successes  the 
rebellion  was  put  down  with  great  cruelty,  while  Tupac  Amaru  was  exe- 
cuted after  suffering  horrible  tortures.  This  rebellion  was  the  most  for- 
midable in  the  colonial  history  of  Spanish  America,  and  indirectly  paved 
the  way  for  the  Wars  of  Independence.  An  excellent  account  of  the 
rebellion  of  Tupac  Amaru  is  given  in  Moses,  South  America  on  the  Eve 
of  Emancipation,  ch.  viii. 

16.  By  “Indianism”  Dr.  Lima  of  course  refers  to  that  somewhat  fan- 
tastic idealization  of  Indian  life  and  customs  reflected  in  the  poems  and 
romances  of  the  Brazilian  authors,  Gonqalves  Dias  and  Jose  de  Alencar. 

17.  Belgrano,  Manuel  (1770-1820). — An  Argentine  general  pro- 
minent in  the  earlier  period  of  the  Spanish  American  Wars  of  Indepen- 
dence ; he  was  superceded  in  command  of  the  revolutionary  forces  by  San 
Martin  in  1816.  His  life  has  been  made  the  subject  of  a detailed  study 
by  the  Argentine  statesman  and  writer,  Bartoleme  Mitre,  Historia  de 
Belgrano,  (Buenos  Aires,  1857,  et  seq.). 

18.  Rivadavia,  Bernadino  (1780-1845). — An  Argentine  statesman. 
Between  1811  and  1827  he  occupied  many  public  positions  of  great  im- 
portance and  influence,  including  that  of  President  of  the  Argentine  Con- 
federation ; in  the  formative  period  of  the  Argentine  Republic  he  was 
a commanding  figure.  According  to  Mitre  “he  stands  in  America  second 
alone  to  Washington  as  the  representative  statesman  of  a free  people.” 

19.  Pueyrredon,  Juan  Martin  (1780-1845). — An  Argentine  gen- 


142 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


eral  and  statesman.  He  was  “Supreme  Dictator”  of  the  United  Pro- 
vinces of  La  Plata  during  the  critical  years  1816-1819.  It  was  largely 
through  his  efforts  that  San  Martin  was  able  to  organize  the  “Army  of 
the  Andes”  which  liberated  Chile  from  the  control  of  Spain.  A detailed 
account  of  the  activities  of  Pueyrredon  and  Rivadavia  during  this  period 
is  given  by  Mitre  in  his  Historia  de  San  Martin  (1884;  English  abridged 
translation  by  E.  Pilling,  1893). 

20.  Duke  of  Lucca. — The  diplomatic  negotiations  centering  about 
the  Duke  of  Lucca  are  discussed  by  Villanueva,  op.  cit.,  I,  pp.  131-164. 

21.  La  Serna  y Hinojosa,  Jose  de  (1770-1832). — The  last  viceroy 
of  Peru.  He  was  defeated  by  General  Sucre  and  his  whole  army  captured 
at  the  battle  of  Ayacucho,  December  9,  1824,  thus  virtually  bringing  to 
an  end  Spanish  rule  in  South  America. 

22.  Pezuela,  Joaquin  de  la  (1761-1830). — Viceroy  of  Peru  from 
1816  to  1821.  Owing  to  his  failure  to  make  headway  against  the  revo- 
lutionists he  was  deposed  by  his  officers  January  29,  1821,  and  soon  after 
returned  to  Spain.  For  an  account  of  events  in  Peru  at  this  period  see 
the  History  of  Peru  by  Sir  Clements  R.  Markham,  (Chicago,  1812). 

23.  Apodaca,  Juan  Ruiz  de  (1754-1835). — Viceroy  of  New  Spain 
from  1816  to  1822.  Though  an  able  administrator  he  could  not  put  down 
the  revolution  headed  by  Iturbide,  and  was  virtually  forced  to  abdicate. 

24.  O’Donoju,  Juan  (1755-1821). — The  last  Spanish  ruler  in  New 
Spain.  In  1821  he  was  appointed  captain  general  and  acting  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  but  on  reaching  Vera  Cruz  discovered  that  the  revolution 
had  gained  such  strength  that  he  was  forced  to  temporize.  On  August 
24,  1821,  he  signed  with  Iturbide  the  Treaty  of  Cordoba,  practically  sur- 
rendering Mexico  to  the  revolutionists.  A full  account  of  conditions  in 
Mexico  at  this  period  is  given  in  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  vol.  Ill, 
passim. 

25.  Trocadero. — The  name  given  to  a fort  near  Cadiz  captured  by  the 
French  from  the  Spanish  revolutionists,  August  31,  1823.  The  square 
in  Paris  containing  the  Exposition  building  in  1878  was  named  after  this 
“victory.” 

26.  Iturbide. — For  further  details  regarding  this  ill-starred  Mexican 
emperor  cf.  Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  ch.  xx. 

27.  Interview  of  Guayaquil. — Probably  the  best  discussion  yet  written 
of  this  baffling  subject  is  that  of  Villanueva,  op.  cit.,  I,  199-283. 

28.  Cf.  Villanueva,  ibid. 

29.  A summary  of  this  dispatch  of  the  Colombian  envoy  Zea  is  given 
by  Villanueva,  op.  cit.,  I,  198. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  III 


143 


30.  O’Higgins,  Bernardo  (1776-1842). — A celebrated  Chilian  gen- 
eral and  statesman.  He  was  the  son  of  the  famous  Viceroy  Ambrosio 
O’Higgins.  While  studying  in  England  he  gained  revolutionary  ideas 
from  Miranda,  and  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Wars  of  Independence  he  be- 
came a leader  of  the  Chilian  patriots.  Defeated  at  Rancagua  in  1814  he 
joined  San  Martin  in  the  invasion  of  Chile  and  had  a decisive  part  in  the 
victory  of  Chacabuco  (February  12,  1817).  He  was  subsequently  chosen 
“Supreme  Director  of  Chile’’  with  dictatorial  powers,  but  a revolution 
fomented  by  his  enemies  forced  him  into  exile  in  1823.  He  is  the  most 
notable  figure  in  the  liberation  of  Chile.  Perhaps  the  best  account  of 
O’Higgins’  activity  at  this  time  is  found  in  Diego  Barros  Arana’s  Historia 
general  de  la  independence  de  Chile,  (4  vols.,  Santiago,  1854-58;  Paris, 
1856). 

31.  The  most  important  of  these  revolts  was  that  of  Tupac  Amaru. 
Cf.  note  15  to  this  Lecture. 

32.  Altamira,  Raphael. — The  distinguished  professor  of  history 
at  the  University  of  Oviedo.  The  most  important  of  his  many  works  is 
his  Historia  de  Espaha  e de  la  civilisacion  espahola,  (4  vols.,  Barcelona, 
1900-1911). 

33.  For  a brief  account  of  the  activities  of  the  Visitador-general  Jose 
Galvez  cf.  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  III,  ch.  xx,  and  Don  E.  Smith, 
The  Viceroy  of  New  Spain  in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  in  the  Annual  Re- 
port of  the  American  Historical  Association,  1908,  vol.  I,  pp.  171-181. 

34.  An  excellent  account  of  the  attempts  of  Sir  Home  Popham  and 
Brigadier-General  Beresford  to  gain  possession  of  Buenos  Aires  is  given 
by  Professor  Bernard  Moses  in  his  South  America  on  the  Eve  of  Eman- 
cipation, chs.  xi  and  xii. 

35.  Liniers  y Bremont,  Santiago  Antonio  Maria  de  (1756-1810). 
— A French  royal  officer  in  the  Spanish  naval  service.  It  was  largely 
through  his  efforts  that  the  English  were  definitely  expelled  from  the  La 
Plata  region  in  1808.  On  the  outbreak  of  the  Wars  of  Independence  he 
attempted  to  reestablish  the  royal  authority,  but  was  captured  and  shot. 
The  standard  biography  of  Liniers  is  that  of  Paul  Groussac,  Santiago  de 
Liniers,  Condc  de  Buenos  Aires,  /75J-/5/0,  (Buenos  Aires,  1907). 

36.  The  Cadiz  Regency,  consisting  of  five  members,  attempted  to  rule 
Spain  in  the  name  of  the  exiled  Ferdinand  VII  from  January  31  to  Sep- 
tember 24,  1810.  Its  most  important  act  was  the  summoning  of  the  fa- 
mous Cortes  of  Cadiz  to  which  the  American  Colonies  were  invited  to  send 
representatives.  Cf.  Martin  Hume,  Modern  Spain,  (London,  1899),  pp. 
165  et  scq. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  IV. 


1.  Hidalgo  y Costilla,  Miguel  (1753-1811). — The  first  leader  of 
the  Mexican  Wars  of  Independence.  While  curate  of  the  village  of 
Dolores  he  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  (“Grito  de  Dolores”).  After 
several  minor  successes  he  was  disastrously  defeated  by  Calleja  at  the 
bridge  of  Calderon,  January  17,  1811.  In  attempting  to  escape  to  the 
United  States  he  was  captured,  tried,  and  on  August  1,  1811,  was  exe- 
cuted at  Chihuahua.  Cf.  Bancroft,  History  of  Mexico,  III,  passim;  Noll 
and  McMahon,  The  Life  and  Times  of  Miguel  Hidalgo  y Costilla,  (Chi- 
cago, 1910). 

2.  Morelos  y Pavon  (1765-1815). — A Mexican  priest  prominent  in 
the  earlier  period  of  the  Wars  of  Independence.  He  took  up  the  work  of 
Hidalgo;  for  a time  was  very  successful,  but  after  1813  met  a crushing 
series  of  defeats.  On  November  15,  1815,  he  was  captured,  tried  by  the 
Inquisition,  and  executed  December  22,  1815.  He  was  probably  the  last 
victim  of  the  Holy  Office  in  New  Spain.  Cf.  Prescott,  Conquest  of 
Mexico,  III,  passim. 

3.  An  excellent  account  of  conditions  in  Pernambuco  at  this  period 
is  given  by  Dr.  Lima  in  his  Pernambuco,  seu  desenvolvimento  historico, 
(Leipzig,  1895).  Cf.  also  notes  12  and  13  to  this  Lecture. 

4.  Feijo,  Diego  Antonio  (1784-1843). — A Brazilian  priest,  promi- 
nent in  History  of  Brazil  from  1822  to  1837.  In  1822  he  was  sent  as  a 
representative  from  the  province  of  Sao  Paulo  to  the  famous  Portuguese 
Cortes  of  that  year.  He  made  an  eloquent  speech  in  defence  of  Brazilian 
rights,  which  were  threatened  by  the  Portuguese  majority.  On  his  return 
to  Brazil  he  was  elected  by  the  province  of  Sao  Paulo  to  the  legislatures 
of  1826-1829  and  1830-1833.  In  1827  he  proposed  the  abolition  of  clerical 
celibacy,  and  in  the  following  year  submitted  a project  for  the  reform  of 
municipalities.  During  the  stormy  period  from  1833  to  1837  he  was  one 
of  the  foremost  men  of  the  empire,  being  elected  regent  of  Brazil  in  1834. 
In  his  new  office  he  proclaimd  a liberal  and  advanced  program,  but  he  en- 
countered such  opposition  that  he  resigned  his  office  September  18,  1837, 
retiring  shortly  afterwards  to  private  life.  Cf.  Eugenio  Egas,  Diego 
Feijo,  (2  vols.,  Sao  Paulo,  1912). 

5.  Nabuco,  Joaquim  (1849-1910). — A distinguished  Brazilian  diplo- 
matist and  author.  He  was  a member  of  the  Brazilian  Parliament  during 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  IV 


1 45 


the  Empire,  took  an  active  part  in  the  abolition  of  slavery  during  the  years 
1879-1888,  and  after  the  proclamation  of  the  Republic  fulfilled  with  great 
credit  a number  of  high  diplomatic  positions.  He  was  appointed  am- 
bassador to  Washington  in  1905  when  Brazil  created  in  the  United  States 
her  first  embassy.  This  important  post  he  held  until  his  death  in  1910. 

Dr.  Nabuco  was  the  author  of  a number  of  works  of  great  literary 
and  historical  value.  Among  these  are  O Abolicionismo,  (London,  1883), 
an  impassioned  plea  for  immediate  negro  emancipation  ; Minha  Formacac, 
(Paris,  1910),  a delightful  autography;  and  finally,  Uni  estadista  do 
imperio,  (3  vols.,  Paris,  1897),  a scholarly  monograph  on  the  life  and 
times  of  his  father,  Nabuco  de  Araujo. 

6.  Syllabus. — The  famous  “Syllabus  errorium”  issued  by  Pope  Pius 

IX  in  1864.  ^ is  a wholesale  condemnation  of  liberalism,  both  in  state 

and  church. 

7.  The  last  struggle  between  church  and  state  in  Brazil  was  the  fam- 
ous “Affair  of  Olinda,”  which  occurred  in  1872-1875.  It  was  an  un- 
successful attempt  on  the  part  of  certain  members  of  the  higher  clergy 
of  Brazil,  especially  the  Bishop  of  Olinda,  to  eliminate  from  the  Church 
and  from  the  benevolent  brotherhoods  or  Irmandades  the  influence  of  the 
Masonic  Order.  Cf.  Nabuco,  Um  estadista  do  imperio,  v ol.  Ill;  J. 
Bournichon,  S.J.,  Le  Bresil  d’aujourdui,  (Paris,  1910),  ch.  ix. 

8.  See  above,  note  1. 

9.  Dr.  Lima  refers  more  specifically  to  the  alliance  of  the  higher  Mex- 
ican clergy  with  certain  prominent  revolutionists,  especially  Iturbide  and 
Guerrero.  The  result  of  this  alliance  was  the  “Plan  of  Iguala,”  which 
not  only  provided  for  complete  independence  from  Spain  but  also  spe- 
cifically safeguarded  the  rights  and  property  of  the  Church.  Cf.  Bancroft, 
History  of  Mexico,  vol.  Ill,  passim. 

10.  Labra,  Raphael  M.  de  (1841-). — A distinguished  Spanish 
writer  and  educator.  Though  born  in  Cuba,  at  the  age  of  ten  he  was 
taken  by  his  parents  to  Madrid,  where  he  was  educated  and  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  i860.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  movement  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  Spanish  colonies,  and  in  1869  was  elected  president  of  the 
first  anti-slavery  society  ever  established  in  Spain.  In  1871  he  was  elected 
a member  of  the  Cortes  by  Porto  Rico,  and  up  to  the  Spanish  American 
War  he  constantly  represented,  as  a pronounced  liberal,  either  Cuba  or 
Porto  Rico.  At  the  same  time  he  fulfilled  the  duties  of  professor  in  the 
University  of  Madrid,  and  wrote  numerous  books  and  articles,  generally 
of  a historical  character.  These  include  La  cuestion  colonial  (1868); 


146 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


La  colonisation  en  la  historia  (1877)  ; La  abolition  de  la  esclavitud 
(1882),  etc. 

11.  Ayacucho,  Battle  of. — The  most  memorable  and  decisive  battle 
in  the  Spanish  American  Wars  of  Independence  was  won  by  General 
Sucre,  December  9,  1824,  at  Ayacucho,  midway  between  Lima  and  Cuzco. 
The  Viceroy  Serna,  the  commander  of  the  Spanish  forces,  was  taken  pri- 
soner, and  the  independence  of  Spanish  America  was  assured. 

12.  Ribeiros. — Joao  Ribeiro  Pessoa  de  Mello  Montenegro,  known 
as  Padre  Ribeiro.  A liberal  priest  implicated  in  the  ill-starred  Revolution 
of  1817.  This  uprising  wras  due  to  the  Brazilians’  jealousy  of  the  Portu- 
guese, and  the  examples  of  the  French  and  American  revolutions.  It 
was  put  down  with  great  cruelty  by  the  royal  government.  When  the 
rebellion  collapsed  Ribeiro  committed  suicide  rather  than  fall  in  the 
hands  of  the  royalists  (May  20,  1817).  Cf.  Compendio  de  historia  do 
Brazil,  pelo  P.  Raphael  M.  Galanti,  S.J.,  (Sao  Paulo,  1905),  t.  IV,  pp. 
48-69 ; Pereira  da  Silva,  Historia  da  fundacao  do  imperio  brazileiro, 
t.  IV. 

13.  Roma. — Jose  Ignacio  Ribeiro  de  Abreu  e Lima,  known  as  “Padre 
Roma.”  Like  Ribeiro,  Roma  was  an  enthusiastic  leader  of  the  Revo- 
lution of  1817.  Sent  on  a special  mission  to  arouse  a revolt  in  the  pro- 
vinces of  Alagoas  and  Bahia,  he  was  captured  by  the  Portuguese  com- 
mander Conde  dos  Arcos  and  shot  as  a traitor.  For  references  see  pre- 
ceding note. 

14.  Junin,  Battle  of  (August  6,  1824). — In  this  engagement  Bolivar 
defeated  the  royalists  under  Canterac.  The  battles  of  Junin  and  Aya- 
cucho, by  crushing  the  remaining  Spanish  power  in  Copper  Peru,  brought 
the  Wars  of  Independence  to  an  end. 

15.  Cabildo  abierto. — For  an  excellent  discussion  of  the  part  played 
by  the  cabildo  in  the  history  of  Spanish  America  see  Moses,  South  Ameri- 
ca on  the  Eve  of  Emancipation,  ch.  iv,  (“The  Colonial  City”). 

16.  For  an  account  of  events  in  Venezuela  in  1810  cf.  Dawson,  South 
American  Republics,  I,  356-383;  and  Manchini,  Bolivar  et  V emancipation 
des  colonies  espagnoles,  (Paris,  1912). 

17.  Para-Maranhao  State. — The  State  of  Maranhao  was  established 
by  royal  decree  of  June  3,  1621  ; it  included  the  former  captaincies  of  Ma- 
ranhao, Ceara,  and  Para.  The  first  governor  was  appointed  in  1624, 
although  he  did  not  take  formal  possession  until  two  years  later.  In 
1733  the  seat  of  government  was  transferred  from  Sao  Luiz  to  Para,  and 
in  1772  the  separate  state  was  abolished.  Cf.  J.  P.  Oliveira  Martins,  0 
Brazil  e as  colonias  portuguezas,  (Lisboa,  1904),  p.  60. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  IV 


H7 


18.  Jose  Bonifacio  (Jose  Bonifacio  de  Andrade  e Silva),  (1765- 
1838). — A celebrated  Brazilian  statesman  and  scholar.  Though  born  in 
Santos,  Brazil,  Jose  Bonifacio  completed  his  studies  in  Europe.  Under  the 
patronage  of  the  Lisbon  Royal  Academy  he  travelled  extensively,  studying 
mineralogy  and  metallurgy'  under  the  most  famous  teachers  of  the  time. 
In  1800  he  was  appointed  professor  of  metallurgy  at  the  University  of 
Coimbra,  and  in  1812  was  made  perpetual  secretary  of  the  Lisbon  aca- 
demy of  sciences.  He  returned  to  Brazil  in  1819  and  at  once  became  an 
ardent  supporter  of  national  independence.  Entering  politics  he  was 
made  minister  of  the  interior  and  foreign  affairs  in  1822,  and  it  was  on  his 
advice  that  Dom  Pedro  threw  off  allegiance  to  Portugal.  He  soon  fell 
out  with  the  emperor,  however,  and  owing  to  his  bitter  opposition  in  the 
Constituent  Assembly  was  banished  to  France  (1823),  living  in  Bordeaux 
till  1829,  when  he  returned  to  Brazil.  During  the  minority  of  Dom  Pedro 
II  he  was  chosen  as  the  young  prince’s  guardian  and  tutor.  In  1833  he 
was  tried  on  a charge  of  intriguing  for  the  return  of  Dom  Pedro  I,  was 
acquitted,  but  deprived  of  his  place.  The  best  account  of  the  activity  and 
influence  of  Jose  Bonifacio  is  probably  that  given  by  Pereira  da  Silva  in 
his  Os  varoes  illustres  do  Brasil  durante  os  tempos  coloniaes,  (Paris, 
1858),  tomo  II,  pp.  249-299. 

19.  Pichincha  and  Maypu. — Two  important  battles  in  the  War  of 
Independence.  In  the  slope  of  the  volcano  Pichincha  in  Ecuador,  Gen- 
eral Sucre  on  May  24,  1822,  overwhelmingly  defeated  the  royalists  under 
Ramirez,  thus  freeing  Ecuador  from  Spanish  rule.  The  battleground 
is  15,000  feet  above  sea  level,  probably  the  highest  battlefield  in  the  world. 
In  the  Battle  of  Maypu,  some  seven  miles  from  Santiago  de  Chile,  Gen- 
eral San  Martin  on  April  5,  1818,  defeated  the  Spaniards  under  Osorio. 
This  victory,  one  of  the  immediate  results  of  San  Martin’s  spectacular 
passage  of  the  Andes,  practically  secured  the  independence  of  Chile. 

20.  Garcia  Calderon,  Francisco  Maria. — A Peruvian  sociologist 
and  historian,  the  son  of  the  Peruvian  statesman,  Francisco  Garcia  Cal- 
deron (1834-).  His  chief  works  are  Le  Pcrou  contemporain  (Paris, 
1907),  and  Les  democracies  latincs  de  I’Amerique,  (Paris,  1912;  English 
translation,  London  and  New  York,  1913). 

21.  San  Martin  went  into  exile  in  1823  and  save  for  a brief  period 
remained  in  France  until  his  death.  For  a time  he  lived  near  Paris  in 
great  poverty  on  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  a house  given  him  by  the  Ar- 
gentine Congress  after  the  Battle  of  Maypu.  In  1832  the  Spanish  banker 
Aguada,  who  had  been  one  of  his  comrades  in  the  Peninsular  War,  came 
to  his  assistance.  He  gave  him  a small  country  house  on  the  banks  of  the 


148 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Seine,  and  here,  surrounded  by  trees  and  flowers,  he  passed  the  remaining 
years  of  his  life.  His  chief  occupation  was  the  care  and  education  of  his 
daughter,  who  had  shared  with  him  all  the  hardships  of  exile.  Cf.  Mitre, 
Life  of  San  Martin,  (Pilling’s  trans.),  p.  473  et  seq. 

22.  Baylen,  Capitulation  of. — By  this  capitulation  the  French  gen- 
eral Dupont  and  his  army  surrendered  to  the  Spaniards  under  General 
Castanos  (July  22,  1808).  It  was  the  first  important  success  won  by 
the  Spaniards  over  the  French  in  the  Napoleonic  Wars. 

Tudela. — A town  in  Northern  Spain,  in  the  province  of  Navarre. 
Near  here  in  1808  the  Spanish  forces  under  Generals  Castanos  and  Pala- 
fox  were  twice  defeated  by  the  French  under  Marshal  Lannes. 

23.  Boyaca,  Battle  of. — On  August  7,  1819,  Bolivar  defeated  the  roy- 
alists under  Barreiro  at  the  village  of  Boyaca  in  Colombia.  This  victory 
practically  secured  the  independence  of  Colombia  or  New  Granada. 

24.  For  the  Battle  of  Junin  see  above,  note  14. 

25.  A full  account  of  the  Congress  of  Panama  is  given  in  the  Reports 
of  the  First  International  American  Conference,  Historical  appendix, 
(Washington,  1890). 

26.  On  this  whole  subject  see  W.  S.  Robertson,  Francisco  de  Mi- 
randa, chs.  xiii-xiv.  Cf.  also  note  6 to  Lecture  II. 

27.  Drago. — See  below,  Lecture  VI,  note  34. 

28.  Rivadavia. — See  above,  Lecture  III,  note  18. 

29.  Belgrano. — See  above,  Lecture  III,  note  17. 

30.  O’Higgins. — See  above,  Lecture  III,  note  30. 

31.  Sucre,  Antonio  Jose  de. — Born  at  Cumana,  Venezuela,  1793, 
died  in  New  Granada,  1830.  A famous  general  of  the  Spanish  American 
Wars  of  Independence.  By  his  victory  at  Pichincha  (May  24,  1822)  he 
liberated  Quito  or  Ecuador,  and  by  his  victory  at  Ayacucho  (December  9, 
1824),  completed  the  independence  of  Spanish  South  America.  He  was 
elected  president  of  Bolivia  in  1826  and  subsequently  fought  in  the  war 
between  Colombia  and  Peru  on  the  side  of  Colombia.  The  city  of  Sucre, 
the  official  capital  of  Bolivia,  is  named  after  him. 

32.  Dom  Pedro  I. — See  Lecture  II,  note  21. 

33.  Jose  Bonifacio. — See  above,  note  18. 

34.  Paez,  Jose  Antonio  (1790-1873). — A Venezuelan  general  and 
politician.  Together  with  Bolivar  he  played  a prominent  part  in  the  libe- 
ration of  Venezuela  from  Spain ; subsequently  under  the  Republic  of 
Greater  Colombia  he  was  made  supreme  military  commander  in  Vene- 
zuela. In  1828  and  1829  he  was  largely  instrumental  in  detaching  Ven- 
ezuela from  Colombia.  He  was  president  of  the  new  republic  from  1831 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  IV 


149 


to  1835  and  again  from  1839  to  1843  '•  from  i860  to  1863  he  was  dictator ; 
even  during  those  years  in  which  he  held  no  public  office  he  wielded  a 
decisive  influence  in  Venezuelan  affairs. 

35.  Quiroga,  Juan  Facundo  (1790-1835). — An  Argentine  soldier, 
politician,  and  caudillo.  His  parents  were  shepherds  in  the  Argentine 
province  of  San  Juan.  During  his  youth  and  early  manhood  he  was  not- 
orious as  a gambler  and  highway  robber ; later  he  became  one  of  the 
henchmen  of  the  dictator  Rosas.  His  cruelty,  unscrupulousness,  and 
reckless  daring  were  proverbial ; for  a time  he  was  absolute  master  of  the 
provinces  of  La  Roja  and  Tucuman.  Though  for  a time  he  worked 
in  harmony  with  the  government  at  Buenos  Aires,  he  at  length  forfeited 
the  confidence  of  Rosas,  and  at  the  latter’s  instigation  was  assassinated. 
Sarmiento  has  made  Quiroga  the  central  figure  in  his  celebrated  work, 
Facundo  Quiroga  0 civilisation  y barbarie  en  las  pampas  argentinas, 
(Buenos  Aires,  1852;  English  translation  by  Mrs.  Horace  Mann,  Lon- 
don, 1868). 

36.  Monagas,  Jose  Tadeo  (1784-1868). — A Venezuelan  general  and 
politician,  prominent  in  the  affairs  of  his  country  from  1835  to  1868.  Cf. 
Dawson,  South  American  Republics,  II,  pp.  384  ff. 

37.  Alberdi,  Juan  Bautista  (1810-1884). — A noted  Argentine  his- 
torian and  economist.  Among  his  important  works  are  : Bases  y puntos 
de  partida  para  la  organisation  politico  de  la  Republica  Argentina,  (Val- 
paraiso, 1852)  ; La  Republica  Argentina  consolidada  en  1880  con  la  ciu- 
dad  de  Buenos  Aires  por  capital,  (Buenos  Aires,  1881)  ; Escritos  postu- 
mos,  (16  vols.,  Buenos  Aires,  1895-1901).  Professor  Reinsch  considers 
Alberdi  as  “the  most  original  thinker  in  politics  whom  South  America  has 
produced,”  (“The  Study  of  South  American  History”  in  Turner  Essays 
on  American  History,  New  York,  1901,  p.  273). 

38.  Rosas,  Jose  Manuel  de  ( 1793-1877). — Dictator  of  Buenos  Aires. 
In  1828  he  became  chief  of  the  Federalist  Party  in  the  United  Provinces 
of  Buenos  Aires  in  opposition  to  the  so-called  Unitarians,  and  from  1835 
to  1852  he  was  an  absolute  dictator.  This  was  one  of  the  dark  periods 
in  Argentine  history.  The  press  was  muzzled,  commerce  was  practically 
at  a standstill,  the  majority  of  the  leading  men  of  the  country  were  assas- 
sinated or  driven  into  exile.  Though  nominally  a Federalist,  Rosas  really 
put  into  operation  a highly  centralized  government.  He  was  at  length 
defeated  by  Urquiza,  the  governor  of  the  province  of  Entre  Rios,  at 
Monte  Caseros  near  Buenos  Aires,  on  February  3,  1852.  He  fled  to  Eng- 
land, where  he  lived  in  obscurity  until  his  death.  The  standard  work  on 
this  period  is  that  of  J.  Ramos  Mejia,  Rosas  y su  tiempo,  (Buenos  Aires, 
1907). 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


150 


39.  Francia,  Jose  Gaspar  Rodriguez  (1761-1840). — The  famous 
dictator  of  Paraguay.  From  1814  to  1840  he  ruled  Paraguay  as  an  ab- 
solute despot ; during  this  period  Paraguay  was  practically  cut  off  from 
the  rest  of  the  world.  Carlyle  has  written  a brilliant  though  one-sided 
defense  of  “the  lonely  Francia,”  depicting  him  as  “a  man  or  sovereign  of 
iron  energy  and  industry,  of  great  and  severe  labor.”  The  essay  origin- 
ally appeared  in  the  Foreign  Quarterly  Review  for  1843,  and  is  reprinted 
in  his  Critical  and  Miscellaneous  Essays.  Cf.  also  The  History  of  Para- 
guay, by  C.  A.  Washburn,  (2  vols.,  New  York,  1871). 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  V. 


1.  Bello,  Andres. — Born  at  Caracas,  Venezuela,  1781 ; died  at  San- 
tiago, Chile,  1865.  A distinguished  Spanish  American  author  and  scho- 
lar. On  the  outbreak  of  the  Wars  of  Independence  he  threw  in  his  lot 
with  the  revolutionists,  and  in  1810  was  sent  by  Bolivar  on  a diplomatic 
mission  to  London,  where  he  resided  for  nineteen  years.  In  1834  he 
accepted  a post  in  the  Chilean  treasury,  took  up  his  residence  at  Santiago, 
and  was  instrumental  in  founding  the  University  of  Santiago  (1843),  of 
which  he  became  rector.  His  literary  activity  was  amazing;  he  wrote 
prose  works  dealing  with  law,  philosophy,  literary  criticism  and  philo- 
logy; of  these  the  best  known  is  his  Grammatica  castellaha  (1847).  An 
authority  both  in  Spain  and  Spanish  America,  his  fame  as  a poet  was 
won  by  his  Silvas  Americanos,  in  which  the  natural  beauties  of  South 
America  are  described  with  extraordinary  charm.  He  was  chiefly  res- 
ponsible for  the  Chilian  law  code  promulgated  in  1855.  Bello’s  complete 
works  in  fifteen  volumes  were  published  under  the  auspices  of  the  Chilian 
government  between  1881  and  1893.  The  standard  biography  of  Bello 
is  that  of  M.  L.  Amunatagui,  (Santiago  de  Chile,  1882). 

2.  Morillo,  Pablo  (1777-1838). — A Spanish  general,  who  from  1815 
to  1820  attempted  to  put  down  the  revolution  in  Venezuela  and  New 
Granada.  At  first  successful,  he  was  later  outwitted  and  outgeneraled 
by  Bolivar,  by  whom  in  1829  he  was  obliged  to  sign  a truce;  he  was  then 
recalled  to  Spain  at  his  own  request. 

3.  Moreno,  Mariano  (1778-1811). — Argentine  lawyer  and  editor. 
He  studied  law  at  Buenos  Aires  and  in  the  year  1800  completed  his  studies 
in  Upper  Peru  at  Chuquisaca.  In  1805  he  returned  to  Buenos  Aires  and 
at  the  request  of  the  Argentine  land  owners  drew  up  the  Representacion 
de  los  hacendados,  alluded  to  by  Dr.  Lima  in  Lecture  VI.  He  took  an 
active  part  in  the  movement  looking  towards  national  emancipation,  and 
on  May  25,  1810,  was  appointed  secretary  general  of  the  first  governing 
“junta.”  At  the  same  time  he  was  editor  of  “La  Gaceta.”  As  his  views 
conflicted  with  the  president  of  the  Junta,  Cornelio  Saavedra,  he  resigned 
on  December  18,  1810.  In  January  1811  he  was  appointed  the  first  re- 
presentative of  the  new  nation  to  England,  but  died  on  his  way  thither 
(March  4,  1811).  Our  chief  source  for  his  life  and  political  activity  is 
the  biography  written  by  his  brother,  Manuel  Moreno,  Vida  y memorias 


152 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


del  Dr.  Mariano  Moreno,  secretario  de  la  junta  de  Buenos  Aires,  (Lon- 
don, 1812;  enlarged  ed.,  1836). 

4.  Guibert,  Jacques  Antoine  Hippolyte,  Comte  de. — A French 
general  and  celebrated  military  writer.  His  work,  Essai  general  de  tac- 
tique,  (Paris,  1770),  has  been  styled  the  best  essay  on  war  produced 
by  any  modern  writer  previous  to  1871.  The  letters  of  the  famous  Mile 
de  Lespinasse  (1732-1776)  were  written  to  Guibert  between  1773  and 
1776;  they  were  published  in  1809,  and  have  been  compared  by  Sainte 
Beuve  to  the  Latin  Letters  of  Helo'ise  to  Abelard. 

5.  Olmedo,  Jose  Joaquin  (1782-1847). — A famous  Ecuadorian  poet 
and  politician.  He  played  a prominent  part  in  the  Wars  of  Independence ; 
after  the  creation  of  the  Republic  of  Ecuador  he  held  various  positions  of 
importance  and  trust  up  to  his  death.  He  is  chiefly  known  outside  of 
Ecuador  as  a lyric  poet ; the  Pindaric  poem  referred  to  by  Dr.  Lima  was 
published  in  London  in  1826  under  the  title  La  victoria  de  Junin,  canto 
a Bolivar. 

6.  Battle  of  Ayacucho. — See  Lecture  IV,  notes  11  and  31. 

7.  Cuervo,  Rufeno  Jose  (1847-1892). — The  most  important  works 
of  this  distingished  Colombian  scholar  are:  Apuntos  criticos  sobre  el 
lenguaje  bogantano,  (5th  ed.,  Paris,  1907)  ; Diccionario  de  construccion 
y regimen  de  la  lengua  castellana,  (Paris,  1886)  ; and  his  edition  of  Bello’s 
Grammatical  de  la  Lengua  castellana  destinada  al  uso  de  los  Americanos, 
(10th  ed.,  Paris,  1907).  Cf.  also  Vida  de  Rudno  Cuervo  y noticias  de  su 
epoca  por  Angel  y Rufino  Cuervo,  (Paris,  1892). 

8.  Congress  of  Tacuman. — A general  congress  held  in  Tacuman  in 
1816  in  order  to  give  a permanent  organization  to  the  revolted  provinces  of 
the  Rio  de  la  Plata.  Complete  separation  from  Spain  was  decreed ; the 
new  state  took  the  name  of  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata, 
and  Pueyrredon  was  chosen  “Supreme  Director”  of  the  confederation. 
Cf.  Mitre,  Historia  de  San  Martin,  tomo  I,  passim. 

9.  Assembly  of  1823. — This  was  the  famous  body  summoned  by  Dom 
Pedro  (later  Emperor  Dom  Pedro  I)  to  draw  up  a constitution  for  Brazil. 
The  sessions  of  this  assembly,  which  began  in  May  1823,  became  so 
stormy,  and  in  the  opinion  of  Dom  Pedro  so  menacing  to  his  authority, 
that  he  dissolved  it  in  November  of  the  same  year.  The  constitution 
which  the  Assembly  drew  up  was  not  promulgated.  On  this  subject  see 
Pereira  da  Silva,  Historia  de  fundacao  do  imperio  do  Brasil,  (Rio  de 
Janeiro,  1864-1868),  tomos  VI  y VII,  passim;  Armitage,  History  of 
Brasil,  (London,  1836),  vol.  II. 

10.  Gamarra  et  Davalos  (Joannes  Benedictus).— The  only  re- 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  V 


153 


ference  I can  find  to  this  priest  is  the  statement  that  he  was  the  author 
of  Musa  Americana,  seu  de  Deo  carmina  ad  usum  scholarum  C on gre ges- 
tionis S.  Philippi  Nerii  Municipii  S.  Michaelis  in  Nova  Hispania,  (Ga- 
dibus,  1769). 

11.  The  famous  Portuguese  Constituent  Assembly  of  1821,  brought 
about  by  the  revolution  of  the  previous  year.  The  treatment  accorded 
the  Brazilian  deputies  by  the  Portuguese  majority  was  one  of  the  causes 
of  the  definite  independence  of  Brazil..  On  this  topic  see  the  able  mono- 
graph of  M.  E.  Gomez  de  Carvalho,  Os  deputados  brasileiros  nas  cortes 
geraes  de  1821,  (Porto,  1911). 

12.  See  Lecture  III,  note  35. 

13.  Blanco,  Eduardo. — La  Venezuela  heroica,  (Caracas,  1881). 
Other  works  by  this  well  known  Venezuelan  author  are  El  numero  III, 
Vanitas  Vanitatum,  Una  noche  en  Ferrara,  and  Zarate. 

14.  Huayna  Capac. — The  Inca  who  ruled  from  1480  to  1523.  He 
was  the  last  ruler  to  wield  undisputed  sway  over  the  Inca  empire.  On 
his  death  his  sons  Huascar  and  Atahualpa  engaged  in  a bloody  civil  war 
which  lasted  up  to  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  under  Pizarro.  The  re- 
ference in  Dr.  Lima’s  lecture  is  of  course  to  Olmedo’s  poem  “Junin.” 

15.  Mera,  Juan  Leon  (1832-). — La  virgen  del  sol,  leyenda  In- 
diana, (Quito,  1861).  Among  the  other  important  works  of  this  author 
may  be  mentioned  El  heroe  marter,  Ultimos  momentos  de  Bolivar,  La 
musa  perdida,  Cartas  ineditas  de  Olmedo. 

16.  Alencar,  Jose  Martiniano  de  (1829-1877). — Among  the  best 
known  works  of  this  celebrated  Brazilian  novelist  are  O Guarany,  Ira- 
cema,  0 Sertanejo.  A brief  but  admirable  appreciation  of  Alencar  may 
be  found  in  Garcia  Merou,  El  Bresil  intelectual,  (Buenos  Aires,  1900). 
Cf.  also  Silvio  Romero,  Historia  de  la  litteratura  brazileira,  (Rio  de  Ja- 
neiro, 1886).  For  Gonqalves  Dias  see  Lecture  II,  note  9. 

17.  Verissimo,  Jose. — One  of  the  foremost  living  Brazilian  literary 
critics  and  educators.  His  voluminous  works  include  Estudios  de  lite- 
ratura  brazileira,  4 vols. ; Impressides  do  Sul;  Escenas  da  vida  da  Ama- 
zonas, etc.  At  the  present  time  Dr.  Verissimo  is  director  of  the  Normal 
school  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  Cf.  Garcia  Merou,  op.  cit.,  pp.  97-141. 

18.  Chocano  Santos. — Alma  America,  (Paris,  n.  d.).  Chief  among 
this  poet’s  other  works  are  En  la  aldea,  La  selva  virgin,  La  epopeya  del 
Pacifico,  Fiat  lux. 

19.  Barbosa,  Ruy  (1849-). — A distinguished  Brazilian  statesman, 
jurist  and  writer.  He  played  an  active  part  in  the  political  events  of  the 
last  days  of  the  empire,  attracting  wide  attention  by  his  speeches  in  the 


154 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


Brazilian  parliament  in  favor  of  abolition.  On  the  establishment  of  the 
Republic  he  was  minister  of  finance  under  the  provisional  government ; 
during  the  presidencies  of  Generals  Deodoro  da  Fonseca  and  Floriano 
Peixoto  he  vigorously  attacked  the  pretorian  methods  of  government  in 
his  periodical  “O  Seculo” ; appointed  delegate  of  Brazil  at  the  Second 
Hague  Conference,  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  able  championship  of 
the  rights  of  the  South  American  Republic.  In  1909  he  was  nominated 
for  the  presideny  by  the  Civil  Party,  but  was  defeated  by  Marshal  Hermes 
da  Fonseca.  In  1913  he  was  again  nominated  for  the  presidency,  this 
time  by  the  Republican  Liberal  Party,  but  withdrew  his  candidacy  in 
December  the  same  year.  At  the  present  time  he  is  Senator  from  Bahia. 
The  voluminous  writings  of  Ruy  Barbosa  cover  a wide  range  of  topics, 
from  a brilliant  criticism  of  Swift  to  a plan  for  the  reorganization  of  the 
educational  system  of  Brazil.  Cf.  Garcia  Merou,  El  Bresil  intelectual, 
cap.  30-33. 

20.  See  Lecture  I,  note  29. 

21.  Moraes  Silva,  Antonio  de  (1757-1825). — The  first  edition  of 
his  Diccionario  da  lingua  portugueza  appeared  in  1789. 

22.  Bluteau,  Raphael  (1638-1734). — Diccionario  da  lingua  por- 
tugueza, (Lisboa,  1789). 

23.  See  above,  note  7. 

24.  Dario,  Ruben. — Among  the  best  known  works  of  this  famous 
Nicaraguan  author  are  Epistolas  y Poemas,  Azul,  Cantos  de  Vida  y Espe- 
ranza;  Espana  contemporanea,  Tierras  solares,  Parisiana.  The  last 
three  are  prose  works. 

25.  Garcia  Moreno,  Diego. — Born  at  Guayaquil,  1821 ; assassinated 
at  Quito,  1875.  An  Ecuadorian  politician;  president  1861-65;  1869-75. 
He  was  famous  for  his  extreme  clerical  and  ultramontain  tendencies; 
under  his  rule  the  government  of  Ecuador  approached  a theocracy.  He 
even  offered  Pius  IX  an  asylum  after  the  abolition  of  the  pope’s  temporal 
power.  Cf.  the  eulogistic  biography  by  Father  A.  Berthe,  Garcia  Mo- 
reno, President  de  I’Equateur,  (Paris,  1888). 

26.  Lagarrigue,  Juan  Enrique  (1852-). — A noted  Chilian  Posi- 
tivist who  attempted  to  effect  a partial  reconciliation  between  the  phi- 
losophy of  Comte  and  the  doctrines  of  Catholicism.  His  most  important 
works  are  La  religion  de  la  hutnanidad,  (Santiago,  1890),  and  Hacia  la 
regeneracion  dednitiva,  (Santiago,  1908). 

27.  For  an  illuminating  discussion  of  the  role  of  Positivism  in  the 
recent  history  of  Brazil  see  R.  Teixeira  Mendes,  Benjamin  Constant, 
Esbogo  de  uma  appreciagdo  sinthetica  da  vida  e da  obra  do  Fundador  da 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  V 


155 


Republica  Brasileira,  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1892).  Teixeira  Mendez  is  the 
greatest  living  authority  on  Positivism  in  Brazil.  Cf.  also  Garcia  Merou, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  83-97. 

28.  Barreto,  Tobias  (d.  1889). — Barreto’s  chief  work  is  his  Es- 
tudios  allemaes,  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1892),  The  best  short  appreciation  of 
the  place  of  this  philosopher  in  the  history  of  Brazilian  thought  is  to  be 
found  in  Garcia  Merou,  op.  cit.,  cap.  VI. 

29.  Diaz  Rodriguez,  Manuel. — Among  the  best  known  works  of 
this  author  are  Idolos  rotos,  Sangre  patricia,  Confidencias  de  Psiquis. 

30.  Netto,  Coelho. — Among  the  best  known  works  of  this  writer 
are  Miragem,  A Esphinge,  Apologos,  Conferencias  litterarias,  Scenas  e 
perfis,  etc.  For  a good  brief  discussion  of  the  contemporaneous  Latin 
American  novel  see  F.  Garcia  Calderon,  Les  democracies  latines  de 
1’ Amerique,  liv.  V,  ch.  ii. 

31.  Cf.  Lecture  I,  note  22. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  VI. 


1.  For  the  struggle  between  the  Portuguese  and  the  Dutch  (1624- 
1662)  see  Southey,  History  of  Brazil,  vol.  I,  chs.  xiv-xvii ; Watson, 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  America  during  the  Colonial  Period,  vol.  II, 
pp.  I ff . ; Edmundson,  in  English  Historical  Review,  vol.  XI  (1896), 
231  ff. ; vol.  XIV  (1899),  676  ff. ; vol.  XV  (1900),  38  ff . ; Varnhagen, 
Historic  geral  do  Brazil,  (2  vols.,  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1854  and  1857). 

2.  Petion,  Alexandre  (1770-1818). — President  of  Haiti  from  1807 
to  1818.  For  an  account  of  his  relations  with  Bolivar,  who  was  an  exile 
in  Haiti  from  January  to  March,  1816,  see  F.  L.  Petrie,  Simon  Bolivar, 
(New  York,  1899). 

3.  Zumeta,  Carlos  (Cesar). — El  continente  enfermo,  (New  York, 
1899). 

4.  Pradt,  Abbe  de. — This  is  the  well  known  Dufour  de  Pradt, 
Bishop  of  Poitiers,  and  later  Archbishop  of  Mechlin.  De  Pradt’s  reflec- 
tions on  Latin  America  are  found  in  his  Des  colonies  et  de  la  revolution 
actuelle  de  I’Amerique,  (Paris,  1817). 

5.  See  Lecture  IV,  note  20. 

6.  War  of  the  Pacific  (1879-1883). — The  struggle  between  Chile 
and  Peru — the  latter  aided  by  Bolivia — for  the  possession  of  the  rich 
nitrate  and  guano  deposits  belonging  to  Bolivia  and  Peru.  The  war  re- 
sulted in  a decisive  victory  for  Chile.  Cf.  Sir  Clements  Markham,  The 
War  betzveen  Chile  and  Peru,  (London,  1882),  and  Diego  Barros  Arana, 
Histoire  de  la  guerre  du  Pacifique,  (Paris,  1881). 

7.  Gaucho. — The  .name  given  to  the  cow-boys  or  riders  of  the  vast 
pampas  or  plains  of  Argentine  and  Uruguay.  The  gauchos,  though  gen- 
erally of  Spanish  descent,  have  become  a distinct  type,  which,  however, 
is  fast  disappearing  before  the  march  of  civilization. 

8.  See  Lecture  I,  note  15. 

9.  Llanero. — The  name  applied  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  vast  plains 
or  llanos  of  Venezuela.  The  llaneros  possess  many  of  the  characteristics 
of  the  gauchos,  but  are  apt  to  be  more  turbulent  and  warlike.  On  several 
occasions  they  played  a decisive  part  in  the  Venezuelan  Wars  of  Inde- 
pendence. 

10.  See  Lecture  I,  note  3. 

11.  See  Lecture  I,  note  22. 

12.  See  Lecture  IV,  note  34. 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  VI 


157 


13.  Santander,  Francisco  de  Paula  (1792-1840). — A prominent 
South  American  general  and  statesman,  frequently  spoken  of  as  the  foun- 
der of  the  Republic  of  New  Granada.  Though  he  had  cooperated  with 
Bolivar  in  the  Wars  of  Independence,  he  came  into  conflict  with  him 
on  the  question  of  Greater  Colombia ; there  is  even  some  evidence  that 
Santander  was  involved  in  an  attempt  to  assassinate  Bolivar  shortly  be- 
fore the  latter’s  death.  On  the  disintegration  of  Greater  Colombia,  San- 
tander was  elected  President  of  New  Granada  (1832),  an  office  he  held 
until  1837.  For  Paez,  cf.  Lecture  IV,  note  34. 

14.  See  Lecture  IV,  note  38. 

15.  Portales,  Diego  Jose  Victor  (1793-1837). — A Chilian  poli- 
tician and  leader  of  the  Conservative  Party.  Though  Portales  never  held 
any  higher  position  than  Minister  of  War  and  Vice-President  (1830-31  ; 
1835-37),  he  largely  shaped  the  policies  of  the  Conservative  Party  and 
helped  to  lay  the  foundation  of  their  power,  which  lasted  until  1861. 
While  refusing  to  allow  the  mass  of  the  people  any  active  participation 
in  the  government,  the  Conservative  leaders  devoted  themselves  to  im- 
proving the  conditions  of  the  people,  and  under  their  highly  centralized 
rule  Chile  advanced  rapidly  in  prosperity. 

16.  Cf.  Garcia  Calderon,  Les  democraties  latines,  liv.  II. 

17.  Castilla,  Ramon  (1796-1867). — President  of  Peru  from  1845 
to  1851  and  from  1855  to  1862.  Under  Castilla,  Peru  enjoyed  an  era  of 
great  progress  and  prosperity. 

18.  See  Lecture  IV,  note  39. 

19.  Santa  Anna,  Antonio  Lopez  de  (1795-1876). — The  famous 
Mexican  general  and  politician,  prominent  in  the  affairs  of  his  country 
from  1821  to  1856. 

20.  Guzman  Blanco,  Antonio  (1828-1889). — A Venezuelan  sol- 
dier and  politician,  known  by  his  admirers  as  the  “Illustrious  American.” 
From  1863  to  1888  he  directly  or  indirectly  controlled  the  government 
of  Venezuela.  During  his  various  presidential  terms  he  adorned  the 
cities  of  Caracas  with  many  fine  buildings  and  statues  of  himself.  The 
vagaries  of  this  eccentric  though  in  some  respects  able  man  are  described 
by  W.  E.  Curtiss  in  his  Venezuela,  (New  York,  1896). 

21.  Malgarejo,  Mariano  (1818-1872). — A Bolivian  general  and 
revolutionist.  His  tenure  of  power  in  Bolivia  was  accompanied  by  a long 
series  of  assassinations  and  disorders ; he  represents  the  most  odious  type 
of  a revolutionary  despot,  masquerading  under  the  trappings  of  republic- 
anism. Characteristic  examples  of  Malgarejo’s  conduct  are  given  by 
Prince  Louis  d’Orleans  Bragance  in  his  interesting  work,  Sous  la  croix 
du  sud,  (Paris,  1912),  ch.  xviii. 


158 


THE  EVOLUTION  OF  BRAZIL 


22.  See  Lecture  V,  note  25. 

23.  Clemenceau. — Notes  de  voyage  dans  I’Amerique  du  sud,  (Pa- 
ris, 1911),  ch.  vii. 

24.  Alaman,  Historia  de  Mexico,  (5  vols.,  Mexico,  1849).  Noticia 
preliminar. 

25.  Tupis. — The  Tupi  stock  included  a considerable  portion  of  the 
aborigines  of  Brazil,  especially  those  inhabiting  the  littoral  and  the  lower 
Amazon  Valley.  The  Tupis  were  closely  related  to  the  Guaranys  of  Para- 
guay. The  language  spoken  by  these  two  groups  was  known  by  the  Por- 
tuguese as  the  lingua  geral,  a sort  of  lingua  franca,  generally  understood 
throughout  Brazil  and  Paraguay.  Cf.  D.  G.  Brinton,  The  American 
Race,  (Philadelphia,  1901),  pp.  229-236. 

26.  Buccan. — A native  Caribbean  word  originally  applied  to  a wooden 
rack  or  frame  on  which  meat  was  smoked  or  dried  by  the  Caribs ; later 
the  term  was  applied  to  meat  thus  prepared.  The  word  “buccaneer”  is 
derived  from  buccan. 

27.  See  Lecture  I,  note  4. 

28.  See  Lecture  I,  note  15. 

29.  The  Paraguayan  War  (1865-1870). — This  war  had  for  its  object 
the  overthrow  of  the  Paraguayan  dictator  Lopez  by  the  combined  forces 
of  Brazil,  Argentina  and  Uruguay.  The  result  was  the  complete  pros- 
tration of  Paraguay  and  the  killing  off  of  the  larger  part  of  her  male  pop- 
ulation. Of  the  numerous  works  on  this  subject  perhaps  the  most  interest- 
ing is  that  of  Richard  F.  Burton,  Letters  from  the  Battlefields  of  Para- 
guay, (London,  1870). 

30.  See  Lecture  V,  note  3. 

31.  The  Chilian  constitution  of  1833,  which  with  certain  modifi- 
cations remains  the  constitution  of  Chile  at  the  present  time,  provided  for 
a highly  centralized  government  based  on  a small  electorate.  It  was  by 
means  of  this  instrument  that  the  Conservatives  maintained  themselves 
in  power  from  1830  to  1861. 

32.  Here,  of  course,  Dr.  Lima  refers  to  the  “Valorization  Plan  of 
1906.”  The  best  discussion  of  this  extraordinary  economic  experiment 
is  that  furnished  by  Pierre  Denis,  in  Le  Bresil  au  XXe  siecle,  ch.  ix,  (Pa- 
ris, 1910;  English  translation,  London,  1911). 

33.  Dr.  Lima  refers,  I think,  to  the  work  of  Arthur  Ruhl,  The  Other 
Americans,  (New  York,  1908).  An  illuminating  discussion  of  this  “re- 
alistic tone”  in  Argentine  letters  will  be  found  in  the  essay  of  Professor 
Paul  Reinsch,  “Some  Notes  on  the  Study  of  South  American  History,” 
in  the  Turner  Essays  on  American  History,  (New  York,  1910). 


NOTES  ON  LECTURE  VI 


159 


34.  Clemenceau,  Notes  de  voyage,  ch.  xii. 

35.  Cf.  Lecture  V,  note  19. 

36.  Triana,  Santiago  Perez  (1859-). — Well  known  Colombian 
writer  and  politician.  At  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  in  conjunction 
with  General  Jorge  Holguin,  he  advanced  the  doctrine  that  each  of  the 
Signatory  Powers  of  the  Hague  Convention,  or  Treaty,  shall  agree  not  to 
make  war  upon  any  other  without  having  had  recourse  to  the  Hague  Tri- 
bunal. Among  his  best  known  works  are  The  International  Position  of  the 
Latin  American  Races  in  Cambridge  Modern  History,  (New  York,  1910), 
vol.  XII,  p.  690-702,  and  Down  the  Orinoco  in  a Canoe,  (New  York, 
1902). 

37.  Drago,  Luis  Maria  (1859-). — Noted  Argentine  writer  and 
statesman.  He  first  attained  international  prominence  by  his  note  of  De- 
cember 29,  1902,  to  Secretary  Hay  in  reference  to  the  Venezuelan  crisis. 
In  this  he  contended  that  no  collection  of  government  bonds  ought  to  pro- 
voke armed  intervention  and  still  less  territorial  occupation.  This  same 
doctrine,  subsequently  known  as  the  Drago  Doctrine,  was  advanced, 
though  unsuccessfully,  at  the  Hague  Conference  of  1907. 

38.  Among  the  many  accounts  of  the  marvelous  work  of  Dr.  Oswaldo 
Cruz  in  the  sanitation  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  that  by  Paul  Walle  in  his  work, 
Au  Bresil  de  VUruguay  au  Rio  Sdo  Francisco,  (Paris,  n.  d.),  ch.  i,  is  per- 
haps the  most  satisfactory  in  a small  compass. 

39.  Sarmiento,  Domingo  Faustino  (1811-1888). — A distinguished 
Argentine  statesman,  educator  and  author,  frequently  called  the  “School- 
Master  President  of  Argentina.”  He  was  appointed  minister  of  public 
instruction  in  i860  and  minister  of  the  interior  in  1861,  and  while  minister 
to  the  United  States  was  elected  president  of  the  Argentine  Republic  for 
the  term  1868-1874.  His  great  work  was  the  improvement  and  extension 
of  popular  education ; in  this  achievement  he  derived  great  advantage 
from  his  sojourn  and  studies  in  the  United  States.  For  a brief  appre- 
ciation of  the  life  and  work  of  Sarmiento  see  the  article  by  F.  N.  Noa, 
Sarmiento,  Statesman  and  Educator,  in  the  Arena,  vol.  XXXVI,  pp.  390- 
395  (October  1906).  Further  particulars  are  given  in  the  Puography  of 
Sarmiento  by  Mrs.  Horace  Mann,  incorporated  in  her  translation  of  Sar- 
miento’s  most  famous  work,  Facundo,  or  Civilization  and  Barbarism, 
(London,  1868). 

40.  This  idea  is  further  developed  in  Dr.  Lima’s  Pan-Americanismo, 
Bolivar-Monroe-Roosevelt,  (Paris,  1908). 

41.  Dr.  Roque  Saenz-Pena. — Inaugurated  1910.  An  account  of 
the  previous  career  of  President  Saenz-Pena  will  be  found  in  Blasco 
Ibanez,  Argentina  y sus  grandezas,  (Madrid,  n.  d. ) , pp.  334  et  seq. 


J 


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